History of IRAQ

The Ottoman Insurance Companies Act 1905

2011-04-06T10:02:00.000-07:00

A Preliminary Study

This is an English version of an unpublished article that I originally wrote in Arabic. I wrote it to stir interest in the history of insurance in Iraq, which is yet to be properly researched and placed within the political economy of Iraq.

Misbah Kamal

لقراءة المقالة باللغة العربية ، يرجى نقر الرابط التالي :ا

http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2011/04/ottoman-insurance-law-1905.html

The background of this paper was an exchange of correspondence with a colleague, the lawyer Munther Abbas Al-Aswad, during the month of April 2009. I quote at length from this correspondence because it includes information directly relating to the subject of this paper.

In my first letter, 1 April 2009, I wrote:

"You know that many of us when we look for the historical roots of insurance in Iraq, refer to the Ottoman Sigorta Law (or Sikorta); we refer to it but without pausing to reflect on it. This law has not been the subject of a separate study to trace its background, relationship to other laws, its probable sources (perhaps in the Majella) by way of providing a general framework and its most important provisions, etc. Also, its full text had not been subjected to a critical reading.(1)

I recall that Mr Taleb Al-Masraf, when he worked in the State Insurance Organisation, issued a book in two volumes in the early 1970s that included the most important laws of insurance and insurance-related activity. He might have included the text of the Ottoman Sigorta Law in the first volume.

I wish, if you have the time and desire, that you write a paper on this law from a

perspective that you deem appropriate. If this is not possible, could you ask

someone else who is capable of researching the subject and writing about it? If so, I can then publish what you write in the Iraqi Insurance Review blog or submit it to Al-Tameen Al-Arabi, the quarterly journal of the General Arab Insurance Organisation, and thus fill some of the gap in the history of Iraqi insurance. This will pave the way for further research by interested historians, although they, as far as I know, have not shown any interest in insurance activity in Iraq. This lack of interest also applies to Iraqi economists, as their reference to insurance is incidental. I think that the task of writing a preliminary introduction to the history of insurance activity in Iraq lies initially with the insurance companies and then historians take over its scholarly research.

I look forward to read your response on the proposal to write about the Ottoman Sigorta Law."

As usual, Munther’s response was prompt. On 2 April 2009, he wrote:

"Writing on the Ottoman Sigorta Law has indeed not been the subject of a separate study to reveal its background, but Mr Badi Al-Saifi commented on it in his Longer Book of Insurance & Reinsurance (vol.I, p 243-244). I attach his comment hoping that you will find it useful. I also attach the text of the law as it was published in volume one of Mr Taleb Al-Masraf’s book of 1970. This law is still in force. I think that the comment of Mr Al-Saifi is quite sufficient." [Al-Saifi’s comments are quoted below].

In thanking my colleague Munther on his message, I wrote on 3 April 2009:

"It is true that Al-Saifi did write on the law, a mere one page in his book, but researching the law and writing about it is still required from an academic historical and practical perspective specially as you confirm that the law is still in force. That is to say, its continuing validity to the present time may create some problems when some of its provisions may be at variance and in conflict with the more modern laws. Moreover, a comparative study of this law with other insurance laws may reveal to us the evolution that took place in the formulation of laws regulating insurance activity in Iraq.

Both of us (and others) are engrossed in daily work, and you in particular, at the moment, carry the pain of illness. So I hope that others carry out the research. Perhaps a postgraduate student can pursue it as a research topic."

Following this message, Munther wrote on the same day clarifying:

"... Now I return to the topic of the Ottoman Sigorta Law. I would like to inform you that the Transport Law of 1983 was enacted and published in the Official Gazette number 2953 on 08/08/1983 .. The provisions of this law are applicable to all types of transportation regardless of the status of the carrier subject to the provisions of international conventions to which Iraq is a party. The reason for issuing this law at that time was to set the rules for maritime, land, inland waterway and air transport, because of the importance of these facilities for the economic and social development of Iraq. This law was promulgated to set an equitable balance between the obligations of the parties to the contract of carriage and to give priority to legal relationship over contractual relationship.

Part III of the 1983 law was dedicated to transport by road vehicles, rail, air, sea and inland waterways.

Since the Ottoman Sigorta Law is concerned with marine insurance/transport insurance and based on that the Sigorta Law was abrogated, in my view, by virtue of article 157 of the Transport Law, which repealed Chapter VI of Part II of the Iraqi Commercial Law No. 149 of 1970: “Any provisions in conflict with the provisions of this law are cancelled.”

Because of our other concerns, we were not able to continue the discussion. I am raising the subject now only to pick up what we have left out, and in order to entice others to write about the topic.

Mr. Badi Al-Saifi’s Comment on the Sigorta Law

Let us start by quoting the comments written by Mr Badi Al-Saifi. Under the heading "Our Laws and Insurance," a section of his Longer Book of Insurance & Reinsurance, Al-Saifi refers to “a few laws including the Ottoman 1905 law, the Insurance Companies Law (i.e. Sigorta)”(2)

"This law, issued on 21 Jumada II 1323 AH, 9 August 1321 Latin, 1905 AD, is still in force and has twenty-five articles plus a final article identified as a special article stating that “the specific [relevant] provisions of the Maritime Trade Law shall remain valid for application.” Therefore, this law [Sigorta Law] has (26) twenty-six articles.

The title of this law is wrong as it is not a law on insurance companies but a law of insurance or guarantee, i.e. sigorta, a distorted term derived from the French expression (Securite). This law was published as a supplement (appendix) of the Commercial Law. Its provisions were taken from the Belgian Insurance Law of 1874. It was promulgated in the Turkish language, of course, and does not have an official correct translation in the Arabic language. Indeed, the Arabic translation was weak, incorrect and contained numerous of mistakes.

This law is specific to insurance of moveable and immovable property including marine insurance/transportation. Thus, article (1) stated that “insurance is a pledge to compensate, against a specified charge [premium], the losses and damage to movable and immovable property by risks and perils of any kind.” The Insurance (Companies) Law stipulated, as did the Maritime Trade Law, that insurance contracts must be in writing as article (2) provided that “insurance pledges should be set in writing and that the guarantee instrument, i.e. the policy, must contain:

(1) Name and family name, business and place of residence of the insured (i.e., the person seeking insurance for his property) as well as the name and family name, business and place of residence of the guarantor (i.e. the person who insures the property of others). (2) Type and description of the property insured against losses and the type and description of the risks and perils against which the property in question are insured. (3) Amount of insurance charge [premium] and amount of compensation to be paid for losses and risks. (4) Commencement and expiry date of the insurance period. (5) Date of issuing the policy."

Expanding the Commentary and Analysis

Al-Saifi emphasizes, rightly, that the designated title of the law [Law of Insurance Companies (i.e. Sigorta)] is wrong. As he points out, it is a law of insurance or guarantee and is borrowed from the Belgian Insurance Law of 1874 [Insurance Contract Law, 11^th June 1874]. As such, the law includes elements that constitute the core of the contract of insurance and it is not a law to regulate insurance companies.

Al-Saifi writes that this law is still valid (his book was printed in 2006) but Munther Al-Aswad in his correspondence with me (3 April 2009) concluded that this law is invalid:

Since the Ottoman Sigorta Law is concerned with marine insurance/transport insurance and based on that the Sigorta Law was abrogated, in my view, by virtue of article 157 of the Transport Law, which repealed Chapter VI of Part II of the Iraqi Commercial Law No. 149 of 1970: “Any provisions in conflict with the provisions of this law are cancelled.”

We know that the Basic Law of Iraq of 1925 (repealed by the Interim Constitution promulgated in 1958) provided under Article 113 that:

"Ottoman laws that were published before 5^th November 1914,

and the laws published on or after that date remain applicable in Iraq until the publication of this law [Basic Law] and continue to be in force as far as circumstances permit, taking into account their latest modification or cancellation relating to statements, orders and laws mentioned in the following article [article 114] until such time when they are replaced or repealed by the legislative authority or until a decision is issued by the Supreme Court that makes them void in accordance with the provisions of Article 86."

“Article 114

All statements, orders and laws issued by the General Commander of the British Forces in Iraq and the Royal Governor-General and the High Commissioner that were issued by the Government of His Majesty King Faisal during the period from 5^th November 1914 and the implementation

date of the this Basic Law are valid from the date of implementation and any part that to date are not abrogated continue in force until replaced or revoked by the legislative authority or until a decision by the Supreme Court is issued that makes them void under the provisions of Article 86.”

“Article 86

Each decision of the Supreme Court stating a law or some of its provisions that is incompatible with the provisions of this Basic Law must be made by a two-thirds majority. If such a decision is issued, the law or the section that is incompatible with this Basic Law shall be void.”

This means that the Sigorta Law remained in force for a long time before the first piece of legislation on insurance in Iraq was passed (similar to it only in its title) – namely, the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936, issued on 1^st April 1936. This 1936 law was, as evidenced by its title, the first serious attempt to supervise the work of foreign insurance companies operating in Iraq and the regulation of their financial solvency to protect the rights of the insured.(3) At that time there were no Iraqi insurance companies as the first Iraqi national insurance company, Rafidain Insurance Company, was founded in 1946. Even this company was not purely Iraqi since 60% of its capital was foreign owned. (4)

Al-Saifi says that insurance or guarantee, i.e. Sigorta, is a distorted expression derived from the French expression (Securite). He may be correct in this, but we believe that the origin of the expression is Italian. Two Turkish writers describe the origin of the word ‘insurance/guarantee’ as follows:

When seeking for the origins of insurance in the Ottoman Empire, we see that it arrived via trade across the Mediterranean. Following in the tracks of the Turkish word for insurance itself reveals that the borrowed Italian term sicurtà first became siguriye then sikorta, sikurta, sikurita, in turn followed by sigurita and sigurta before finally settling on sigorta. (5) [Emphasis added by MK]

What gives support to preferring an Italian origin for the expression is the vast trade and diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Venice in the sixteenth century and the early seventeenth century, and the presence of a large community of nobles and citizens of this ‘nation-city’ in Istanbul. (6)

We have no information on the person who has translated the Sigorta Law to Arabic, and when and where the translation was made. But let us remember that the weak and incorrect translation mentioned by Al-Saifi must be placed in the context of the history of insurance activity in Iraq, on the assumption that the translation was made in Iraq. This activity was new to the economy of the country and was the closest thing to heresy - as traditional religionists would say later. This is why we see the poor Arabisation and distortion of foreign terms, as well as the chaotic usage of many insurance terms. During these times, the word ‘insurance,’ for example, was expressed in Arabic translation as guarantee, insurance as such, alsegurtah, alsekortah and as a pledge evidenced by a written document (policy). It will take a long time before the usage of some of the terms were set and settled and the foreign words abandoned.

Evidently, linguistic accuracy is required to ensure common understanding of concepts among people as well as ensuring economy in the use of expressions. However, a common mistake in usage of words in a particular area, made by those using them, is not a barrier to understanding among the users of such mistake. Not only that but people can also differentiate between different usages of the same term. The word ‘policy’ (the letter ‘p’ pronounced as ‘b’ and written in Arabic as bolissa and was of foreign origin) is still in use and means the insurance policy document as well as the bill of lading (by sea or air). The context, however, determines the different meanings in usage.

Al-Saifi explains that this "law is concerned with insurance of moveable and immovable property including marine insurance/insurance of transportation." The law also mentions insurance against the risk of fire: "a contract of insurance against fire," (Article 19) in addition to insurance of transport risk, without specifying the means of transport (maritime, overland and inland water-ways). Instead of setting out such details, the Sigorta law is concluded by an article, not numbered, at the end identified as a "Special Article," stating, "The provisions contained in the right of maritime guarantee, mentioned in the [Ottoman] Law of Maritime Trade, remain applicable as prescribed."

Article 1 of the Sigorta Law provides a definition of the insurance contract:

"Guarantee is a pledge to indemnify for a definite fee losses and damage to movable and immovable property from perils and risks of any kind."

This early definition will find a modern comprehensive development in Article 981 - paragraph 1 of the Iraqi Civil Code No. (40) of 1951:

"Insurance is a contract whereby the insurer undertakes to pay to the insured or beneficiary a sum of money or income salary or any other financial indemnity, in case of the accident insured against occurs, in return for a premium or other financial payment by the insured to the insurer."

The reader will notice the difference between the two formulations, and especially the lack of precision in the Sigorta Law and the use of some unqualified words: "perils and risks of any kind" in the Sigorta Law versus "the accident insured" in the Civil Code. Here, we are not going to engage in comparison, but simply to point out that a comparative study could be a separate topic for academic research. However, we select a few more articles of the Sigorta Law for brief comments:

The insurance contract must be evidenced by the issuing of an insurance policy (article 2); the sum insured represents the maximum liability of the insurer (article 3); the beneficiary of the insurance contract is the one in whose name the policy was issued unless a third party was expressly named to be the beneficiary (article 4); insurable interest as the basis for insurance (articles 7 and 8); insurance of agricultural crops (article 9 and article 23); (7) double insurance and qualifying the principle of more than one insurer participating in the insurance contract (articles 5 and 10); qualifying the principle of good faith (article 11); the unenforceability of the contract because of the absence of a subject-matter of insurance (article 12); failure to report modifications in the specifications of the risk insured to the insurer (article 13. This article is an example of drafting weakness mentioned by Al-Saifi); liability of the insured toward its neighbours arising from a fire in the property of the insured and consequential damage caused by fire (article 20).

Thus, we see that the law is not focused on a particular topic; it includes articles on classes of insurance (marine, fire and others), contractual principles and regulations for issuing insurance policies, etc.

Perhaps the background of this law dates back to the emergence and growth of insurance activity and the need for its regulation to prevent chaos in making insurance contracts and to protect policyholders from actual or potential malpractice by foreign insurance companies or insurance agencies operating in the Ottoman Empire. Or perhaps there was really a legal vacuum in the area of insurance activity that necessitated state intervention. Such a measure (instituting regulatory measures) is associated with the history of the insurance industry in many countries of the world. In other words, these laws are a response to immediate or temporary problems that constitute, with the passage of time, a base for the development of new laws in the future and refining existing ones.

It can be argued that the passage of the Sigorta Law was a means to codify existing good practices and getting rid of bad once. Perhaps instituting this law was necessary as the legal system of the Ottoman Empire was not based on case law, i.e. law in the making, pronounced by courts as is the case in the countries following a system of common law, where judges play a larger role in making law through their rulings, which become, with the passage of time, precedents that may be relied on for judging new cases. Furthermore, there were no books by eminent jurists or judges to be used as reference in regulating the making of insurance contracts and guiding the activities of insurance companies, as was the case in England for example. These remarks are mere speculations and are intended to encourage historical research, the best approach to providing an interpretation of the legislation of such laws and description of insurance activity.

Sigorta Law: A Pointer to Insurance Activity in Iraq

Foreign insurance companies and agencies were operating in Iraq, directly or indirectly, at the time when this law was issued. This assertion is based on the fact that the first insurance company (foreign) was established in Istanbul in 1848 and the fact that the number of foreign insurance firms operating in 1914 within the Ottoman Empire reached 170 companies with 1971 agencies, as stated in the book What Hurts the Purse, Hurts the Soul: Insurance in the Ottoman Empire. (8)

The authors of this study stated that the first legislation to regulate the insurance industry in the Ottoman Empire was passed in the nineteenth century; article 29 of the Commercial Code, issued on 28^th July 1850, referred to marine insurance, while the Maritime Commercial Law, issued on 21^st August 1863, dealt with marine insurance.(9) The Insurance Companies Act 1905 (i.e. Sigorta) was therefore part of this body of insurance legislation in the Ottoman era.

This highly interesting illustrated book did not mention Iraq, but we assume that insurance companies or agencies may have had a presence in Iraq insuring goods heading to and from Iraq (trading in dates and grain, for example) or insuring certain foreign assets in parts of Iraq.

Obviously, intuition in this area is not enough as a substitute for historical research of insurance activity in Iraq, which we are unable to carry out. A study of the history of the British imperialist penetration of Iraq teaches us a great deal about the legacy left behind. Suffice it to say that the British East India Company (founded by a British Royal Decree in 1600) monopolised British trade in Asia (India and China) for a long time, and it is well known that Iraq's trade with India had firm historical roots. Later, the popularly termed English company Lynch House was founded by Henry Blosse Lynch who surveyed the rivers of Iraq before turning to incorporating an inland waterway transport company. The company had a fleet of steam boats for river transport through the port of Basra, the Tigris and the Euphrates for the transport of British goods to Turkey (through the Tigris) and Syria (through the Euphrates). It is worth mentioning in this context that British steam boats were used in Iraq for the first time in 1836.(10) We assume that some of this economic activity was the subject of insurance protection against the risks of transport and fire at least through agents of foreign insurance compnaies.

Ottoman Legislation, Part of the History of Legislation in Iraq

Ottoman legislation, including insurance laws, constitutes part of the history of legislation in Iraq, as in other Arab countries that were under the Ottoman Empire. Thus, Majallet Al-Ahkam Al-Adliya (11) remained in force in Iraq until the early fifties of the last century, as did the Insurance Companies Act 1905 (i.e. Sigorta). Ottoman legislation (promulgating "laws" to be distinguished from "rulings" of Islamic Shariah) was predominantly focused on those areas that were not subject to Islamic Shariah, or the Shariah did not come close to them in detail as they represent modern developments of which insurance activity is a case in point.

We note that insurance activity entered the Ottoman Empire in its Western business form as a commercial venture based on profit. It stayed in this form until the present time. External influence can be seen in the wording of insurance policies that replicated the Western model. The explanation of this dependency is that insurance, as a distinct economic activity, was not known in the Empire and the countries under its control, including Iraq until the nineteenth century.(12) That is one of the reasons why the simulation of the Western business model remained prevalent as there was no indigenous model to follow. As for Iraq, insurance, especially corporate, spread through trade and colonisation.

Practical Applications of the Sigorta Law

We remain eager to see concrete examples of the application of the Sigorta Law in Iraqi courts in adjudicating disputes between the insured and insurance companies. This is a task for archivists and historians.

We hope that insurance practitioners in Iraq will evaluate this preliminary study, correct errors and complement shortcomings in the narrative with regard to the historical and legal analysis of insurance activity in Iraq.

London, July-October 2010

On the 8th Anniversary of the War on IRAQ, USA Bombs Libya

2011-03-19T22:55:00.000-07:00

History Repeats Itself

On March 19, the 8th Anniversary of the War on IRAQ, the USA and British submarines launches 112 Tomahawk cruise missiles on Libyan air defenses. All for the sake of democracy!

To commemorate the 8th anniversary of the war on IRAQ, the Baghdad airport battle on April 7 - 9, 2003 is remembered

Written by Jeff Archer

From his book, "The Mother of All Battles: The Endless U.S.-Iraq War"

http://malcomlagauche.com/

----------------------------

The U.S. preoccupation with the impending threat of Iraqi nuclear weapons was just another form of misinformation to rattle the American public. A few months after Desert Storm, the U.N. sent a secret team of nuclear inspectors to Iraq to try to discover how close Iraq was to producing its first nuclear weapon prior to the conflict. The experts were nuclear designers from the U.S., Russia, Britain and France.

Iraq’s nuclear program had already been scrutinized by U.N. inspectors, but this group was more advanced in its knowledge of nuclear weapons because it was comprised of design experts. The designers’ assessment was the most accurate that had been reported: “Iraq was at least five years away from developing its first crude nuclear weapon, if it desired to do so.” This message was opposite of that of George Bush, who created worldwide hysteria by saying Iraq was within months, or even weeks, of having a nuke ready to go

Like father, like son again was the rule of the day a dozen years later as Bush II spoke in detailed terms of Iraq’s impending nuclear threat and a “mushroom cloud over New York City.” Few journalists mentioned the 1991 report, or that Iraq’s nuclear weapons capability was totally destroyed in the bombing of Desert Storm.

In the buildup to Desert Storm, no one seemed concerned about U.S. nuclear weapons. Many were shocked to learn that the U.S. used radioactive projectiles, made from spent uranium, against the Iraqis. When Desert Storm ended, several hundred tons of spent uranium were sitting in the desert in Kuwait and southern Iraq. Late in 1991, the British Atomic Energy Authority issued a secret report on the use of spent uranium in Desert Storm.

According to the document, uranium was used in tens of thousands of armor-piercing rounds fired at Iraqi vehicles by U.S. aircraft and U.S. and British tanks. According to Lt. Colonel Vincent Macchi, a combat commander in Desert Storm, “Every attack aircraft in the air and on the ground carried them.”

The Atomic Energy Authority went on to say that there was enough uranium in the deserts of Kuwait and Iraq to potentially cause 500,000 deaths. It added that the sheer volume of uranium did indicate a significant problem.

Depleted uranium is a derivative of the U-235 type used in weapons-grade materials. The less-radioactive, yet still dangerous, substance is then made into bullets, bombs or missiles that are extremely hard and heavy. The projectile then can easily cut through virtually any kind of armor.

When it pierces heavy armor, the outer surface of the round pulverizes, dispersing uranium dust that burns at very high temperatures. The depleted uranium rounds incinerated thousands of Iraqi tank crews.

Lt. Colonel Macchi said the projectiles were “the best tank killers we’ve ever seen. The trouble is, we’ve never used DU (depleted uranium) before and we had no idea what that aftereffect would be.”

In August and September of 1991, a team of experts from the British Atomic Energy Authority visited the area of contamination and discovered that shell fragments, uranium dust, and other debris were left behind from the barrage of hi-tech shells used during Desert Storm. They concluded that there was enough low-yield radiation to present a “serious and ultimately lethal hazard to large population masses.”

In November 1991, the International Atomic Energy Committee issued a report to Gulf area diplomats with high security clearances that discussed the waste. One senior diplomat concluded: “Our air, our water, the soil, the food chain … everything … has been poisoned. My government supported the military intervention against Iraq, but now many of us wish we had opposed it.”

The U.S administration tried to keep the information about DU away from the American public. Most people had never heard of the new weapon and the U.S. government hoped that any information would just fade away, however, something occurred that made it difficult to push the information aside.

A few months after the end of Desert Storm, several hundred U.S. soldiers contracted a mysterious disease that confounded the doctors. Many theories came forth about the maladies — oil well fires, possible chemical weapons, handling of fuels, etc. Only after many U.S. military people came forward was the subject of radiation poisoning brought up.

Initially, a few hundred U.S. Gulf War veterans complained about bleeding gums and liver disorders. Within a few months, the number exceeded 100,000. Many maintained that spent uranium was the cause of their sicknesses, yet the U.S. government lent no credence to this diagnosis. If it had, the government would have admitted that the hazardous materials were used en masse during Desert Storm.

The resulting contamination from the use of spent-uranium projectiles is horrific. After Desert Storm, thousands of Iraqis died in mysterious manners of which the causes point to the leftover spent uranium. In areas which the U.S. bombed heavily, there were more incidents than in areas which did not receive massive bombing. Children were (and still are) suffering and becoming deformed because of the spent uranium.

The March 2003 invasion brought even more DU to Iraq, possibly 10-times as much. The cycle began again. Some places are so immersed in DU that locals state they felt the heat from the exploded armaments months after they were dropped.

Not only Iraq suffered from these projectiles. In the 1999 bombing of Serbia, many similar missiles and bombs were used. On the ground, the results are identical to those in Iraq.

Despite the visits of many scientific teams to Iraq that have concluded that DU is a tragedy of a great scale for the Iraqis, three U.S. administrations refused to address the issue. They all said that DU is benign and have constantly stated that DU had nothing to do with U.S. war veterans who became ill or died.

The number of U.S. casualties possibly caused by DU is now in the hundreds of thousands. When the recipients brought up the issue with the U.S. government, they were rebuffed and told that DU is not dangerous and is not the cause of their illnesses, despite scientific research stating the opposite.

The U.S. did not use nuclear weapons in Iraq in 1991 or Serbia in 1999. However, there are thousands of tons of nuclear radioactive material in both countries.

There are hundreds of websites on the Internet that have very informative and astute information about the use and effects of DU. Just punch in “depleted uranium” in a search engine and you will be able to research the issue in much greater detail.

There are always some instances that have occurred in the ongoing U.S. war against Iraq that leave one with a feeling of not having gotten to the bottom of the story. Many times, research will provide the answers, but some things still stick out as unfinished business.
One of these quandaries was the taking of Saddam International Airport (later renamed Baghdad International Airport by the U.S.) in early April 2003. Much of the news from the U.S. and British mainstream press said the airport fell with ease and few U.S. casualties.

However, there were gaps in the reporting as well as contradictory statements. Initially, most press agencies or publications reported heavy fighting when the U.S. arrived at the airport. Then, there was silence. About four days later, we heard about the airport’s fall to the U.S. But, was it all as easy as the press stated?

Russian agencies carried stories of fierce fighting in which many U.S. soldiers were killed. Some Arab news agencies spoke of a bloody battle with heavy casualties on both sides. These reports varied greatly from those coming out of the U.S. and Britain.

In July 2006, an article written by Captain Eric May, a 14-year veteran of the U.S. Army, published by the Lone Star Iconoclast, alleged that the Battle of Baghdad, which began at Saddam International Airport, was far more devastating to the U.S. forces. This was no conspiracy theorist looking for publicity. Additionally, he held knowledge that few writers about Iraq have: keen expertise in the areas of military tactics and U.S. military intelligence.

Captain May made another allegation that was not mentioned in the mainstream press. He thought that the outnumbered U.S. military used a neutron bomb at the airport to stop the Iraqi troops.

Captain May entered the U.S. Army in 1977 and served for 14 years. He eventually received advance intelligence education and he spent years in deciphering messages, mainly from the former Soviet Union.

In 1990, he returned to civilian life and taught languages (Latin, Greek and Russian) at Mt. Carmel High School in Houston, where he was once named teacher of the year. In 1995, he changed careers and became a freelance executive speech writer for many prominent companies. At the same time, he contributed articles to Houston NBC-affiliate KPRC-TV. In addition, he wrote for two Houston daily newspapers: The Houston Post and The Houston Chronicle.

On August 26, 2006, I interviewed Captain May. He brought out some very interesting points about the battle at the airport that received little or no publicity in the U.S.

JA: Please tell us what prompted you to begin your questioning of the Battle of Baghdad, primarily the battle for the airport.

CM: I had just come back from teaching a martial arts class on Friday, April 4, 2003. That would have been the morning of April 5 in Baghdad. Immediately, what I saw on CNN, about 9 p.m. Central time, was that Baghdad had been surrounded. We had dedicated the military forces to enveloping and making it succumb piece-by-piece, maybe sending in the 101st Airborne.

Then, all of a sudden, there was a report of explosions and CNN started to act like they were all rattled and didn’t know it was coming. Given that I was a prior service and intelligence public affairs officer, I knew very well that meant unexpected contact. Pretty soon, they were saying there were huge explosions from the airport, and the next thing you know, they’re casting over to imbed Walter Rogers from CNN. As he’s broadcasting from Baghdad Airport, you can hear artillery hitting around his Humvee and you can hear small arms fire hitting it: a distinct ping, ping, ping. That pretty much told me they were getting fired up bad.

That was when it was still pre-dawn in Baghdad. By dawn, Lt. Col. Terry Ferrell, the 3/7 Cavalry Group commander appeared on TV during CNN evening coverage and he broke down into tears when he trying to say everything was okay at Baghdad Airport. That made it clear to me that the 3/7, the scout unit, the cavalry squadron that attended the 3rd Infantry Division, the U.S. Army division that had surrounded Baghdad, had wound up in a close fight in the Baghdad Airport. That’s what I picked up at the time.

By the next day, CNN was saying there was substantial contradiction in facts from various media reports. Arab media were putting out 200 U.S. dead at the airport. Russian Intel put out that dozens were dead and a real fight had developed. U.S. media were putting out that Jessica Lynch had been rescued.

JA: How do you account for foreign media reporting about a bloody battle and U.S. media being silent about the airport while highlighting the rescue of Jessica Lynch?

CM: To me, at this point, it was a done deal. The Battle of Baghdad was essentially blocked out from April 5 all the way through April 8. On April 9, you had the pull-down of the Saddam statue which represents a pretty efficient ending of the Battle of Baghdad. But, it really was a propaganda ending. The pull-down was a staged event and I’ve heard that the few Iraqis there were not even Iraqis.

JA: Why have you taken such passion about the Battle of Baghdad?

CM: The propaganda cover-up of the Battle of Baghdad, what we call BOBCUP (Battle of Baghdad Cover-up) was so conspicuously against the United States principles of information, which is what we follow in the Department of Defense Public Affairs operations, was so egregiously out of line, it was then that I self-mobilized my mission of conscience because, basically, it was apparent to me at that point, that we were under dictatorship. Suppressing the events of an entire battle and keeping it suppressed long after the battle was over … you know, you could have said, "Well, we didn’t want to tell the Iraqis where our troops were," or something else. But, you can’t say that months and months and months and years after the event.

Baghdad was the beginning. I’ve finished a successful career; in and out of the active Army and in and out of the reserves. My last gig was that of a general staff officer. I’ve been around. Baghdad brought me out of the observation and analysis of this war to a participant in what we call the "info war." The war to get real information to the public.

JA: Please describe the conditions that make an "info war."

CM: What became apparent to me is that the willingness they have to close down any kind of information that doesn’t fit into the big plan. Make it apparent that the whole system of government that we grew up studying in books — the three systems to keep government honest — has really become a unipolar government where you have an imperial executive — we call it King George and the Bush League — who rule the country. The media translate it like a propaganda ministry. Your other two parts of the triangle, the legislative and the judicial branches of government, are really there just for dressing up. They’re just there to make it look like a democracy, but it’s not. (Note: to non-U.S. readers, the term "bush league" in the U.S. represents a low-class entity. Captain May used the term doubly: Bush is the president’s name and fits right in with the Bush League.)

JA: You, like a few other people who can think, predicted in writing the outcome of the invasion. Please elaborate.

CM: I’ve been publishing war analyses for the Houston Chronicle since 1992 predicting this quagmire. In retrospect, now that things have turned out the way they have, it seems obvious what I wrote on April 3, 2003, as we were nearing Baghdad. I wrote in the Houston Chronicle that this would be called "The Quicksand War”: it would turn into quicksand. Now, that looks so transparently obvious. But, I can remember when I submitted it to my editor, he laughed at me and said I was really going to blow my reputation on this one because the U.S. Army was going to reach Baghdad the next day and prove I was wrong.

As with so many people who never served a day in uniform, he just automatically knew that once you got there and knocked the other guy’s capital down, they gave up. But, for somebody who’d been in the military at that time in three different decades, and who had studied the art of war for three decades, the idea that a war is over because you take a capital? I read Napoleon. Also, that’s what people were saying on the way to Moscow.

JA: What is your opinion about the Iraqi resistance at that time? Few people knew that it had been organized before the U.S. invasion.

CM: When we go into the Battle of Baghdad cover-up, that’s part of what was getting covered up. I was getting from Iraqi resistance reports that they were preparing a resistance movement and I picked up on this as the Battle of Baghdad was occurring. Groups like the Saddam Fedayeen were involved, not just the Iraqi military.

Teaching indigenous populations how to conduct guerilla warfare is like saying you have to teach teenagers on a date alone how to have sex. They’re inevitably going to find out what everything’s for if you just leave them alone. Anytime you start a guerilla war, you get involved in attacking and holding a country, the most brilliant work of that campaign is going to come from the people who are trying to get even for your initial attack.

The resistance was planned and according to my research, they were publishing an underground newsletter as early as the Battle of Baghdad itself. Covering up a battle and covering up military reality are only temporary advantages, but they bring long-term problems. The administration became invested in saying that it had a successful war with conclusive results. As a result, the entire paradigm was askew. It went in with the wrong policy in the military sense. Once you deny military reality enough, it screws up your military.

JA: Please explain in detail what you consider the info war and on what kind of battlefield will it be fought.

CM: It’s clear that we are in an info war. When Eisenhower warned of the military-industrial complex, he could have said, in Orwellian terms, the military-industrial-media complex.

The info wars are staged by such things as the manipulation of the capture of Saddam. I remember various media outlets grumbling about it because the story given by the U.S. administration was kind of falling apart.

With every story we discuss, information has been manipulated. If you listen to Rumsfeld, he will always say, "We need to win the propaganda war and we need to win the informational war." Informational warfare is nothing but info war. But, nobody wants to admit info war is going on because then it becomes clear that we have a treasonable condition of affairs.

JA: How can the numbers of U.S. killed in the Battle of Baghdad be covered up? How can they make four or five hundred soldiers disappear?

CM: That formed the first level of my investigation into the Battle of Baghdad. After watching CNN on April 4, 2003, I spent a couple of weeks doing TV analysis. Then, I decided I would go to Fort Stewart in Georgia, which is the home base for the Third Infantry and the 3/7 Cavalry.

When I got there, I immediately confirmed the existence of the Battle of Baghdad with the chaplain, who also told me the constitution was in the tank. They were covering up what they wanted. They control what the public feels, sees and does.

I realized there was a cover-up going on at the home base. Later in the summer, it came out that wives at the home base were being harassed and they were being given pharmacological psychotropic cocktails. There was a news blackout. When they (Third Infantry Division) finally did get back, they came back kind of on the midnight train.

There were many more wounded than the hospital could accommodate. They were sleeping in open fields. The reason for that, I believe, is that they were trying to keep everybody who was at the Battle of Baghdad all located at one Army post so they could control all the information.

Among the survivors and their dependents, there was an attempt to coerce silence. I like to say they were thugged up and drugged up.

In January 2004, I had a freelance journalist from upstate New York start working with me to try to get the story. She found out that there were about 100 backdoor visits, which means the casualty officer would come and inform the widows of what happened. They were taking women and getting them out of town, off the post.

She came up with a number of about 100 war widows. About one out of three soldiers is married. That kind of went well with what I had thought: about 300 to 500 killed in action. Very quickly, after she began investigating, she got a death threat.

Maybe we have 500 dead. That sounds like an immense pile. What happens is that you get 500 coffins that go to 500 different train terminals and 500 disparate cities and small towns. Nobody sends out a card saying there are 499 other ones. Everybody who gets one knows they have a dead G.I. But, nobody thinks their dead G.I. was part of a massive battle. It’s the elephant of truth. Every blind person gets one feel. Everyone gets one pat on the elephant without realizing there’s an immense beast there.

Covering up dead body counts is not hard to do at all. All you do is fail to report in any kind of cohesive order that there has been a massive battle. They proved that again by the fact that the fight of Fallujah, both of them, were covered up.

It’s easy to understand what happened with Fallujah. The same as the Battle of Baghdad. What the public got told was nothing like the carnage that was going on. The U.S. death count was held down. There’s no way you have street-to-street close urban combat dismounted and have only two guys a day getting killed. It doesn’t happen that way. We had regimental operations going on in Fallujah.

JA: If George Bush declared victory on May 1, 2003, why is there still fighting in Baghdad?

CM: The one thing we should understand is we have a Battle of Baghdad going on right now. It’s being covered up. It’s being hidden as a substratum under the greater story, which is the Israeli war on Lebanon.

As an example of what happens when you broadcast propaganda instead of history, the truth gets lost. The American public was told we took Baghdad far easier than we did and that meant clear sailing, when it really didn’t. Now, the American public has been deluded. It’s like a magic trick: once you follow the magician, you’re lost. The magician has control of you. The media is a magic trick. That TV is a box and the magic trick that comes out of it tells us that we’re reinforcing our troops around Baghdad so we can take Baghdad back. The screaming question should be, "What the hell? You mean we lost Baghdad?" We’ve been losing Baghdad since we got there.

JA: Have you spoken to any Iraqi participants of the Battle of Baghdad?

CM: A couple of journalists who were in Baghdad proper talked to the people returning from the battle. The most extreme thing I picked up is that the Battle of Baghdad was started at the airport with the U.S. forces being overwhelmed. It wound up being a six-hour firefight at close quarters and my surmise is that our side was running out of ammo and somebody decided to go nuclear. That seems to be universally acknowledged by everybody on all sides, except the American.

Evidently, what happened was the U.S. G.I.s buttoned up inside their armor, which cuts down the transmission of radiation, and some sort of nuclear devices were used at Baghdad Airport. Since then, American battle doctrine has been revised to allow commanders to do exactly the kind of things that I’m inferring from my sources that were done at Baghdad Airport. In other words, they retroactively retrofitted the doctrine.

The nuclear threshold is a very fuzzy thing in this war anyway. We already went over using D.U. (depleted uranium). That already, arguably, makes it a nuclear war. Of course, you see why Battle of Baghdad One had to be covered up. How the hell do you go into a war where you say you’re going to remove an evil madman because he has weapons of mass destruction and you bring them with you?

JA: In your opinion, did the U.S. do anything positive in removing Saddam Hussein and his government?

CM: You remember the first year of the war, the commentators were saying to the naysayers, "Well, what do you mean? Are you saying they’d be better off if Saddam was still in charge?" That was something that shut everybody up because, one year into this, everybody was still believing the myth that we freed the Iraqis. At this point, the reason why nobody asks if they’d be better off with Saddam in power is that it has been so transparent to anybody, except a Republican clone, that they were much better off when Saddam was in power.

JA: Do you think the truth will ever come out to the mainstream about the Battle of Baghdad?

CM: The mainstream seems to be irrelevant. They’ve condemned themselves. They find they formed a Faustian pact when they were all going to get behind a war that was for oil and Israel. They agreed to become an imbedded asset. What could be more shameful than to be imbedded? They’re not a media supplying relevant information. They’re a propaganda operation providing rationalization.

That’s what leaves us with the term "info war." Now, the relevant and important information comes out through what you might call the "underground media." Call it alternative media or what you want. What is means is that two guys, like you and me, who both have enough expertise to be on any of the network shows, talk about what we talk about. We can’t get on their TV, so we do it through this alternative medium. The best interviews that can be conducted are available outside the mainstream media. The ability of the people who are not plugged into the mainstream media system to do quality work means that the system will inevitably fail.

I compare it to the Catholic hierarchy after the creation of the printing press. The Internet, to us, has become our info war printing press. Information cannot be totally controlled. If you say, "I’m a gatekeeper and I’m plugging up this big old door," the Internet makes it such that information seeps out of the cracks.

What we call media, I call collaborators. All collaborators, throughout history, suffered the same fate. They lost all reputation and dignity after the victory by the right side.
It’s only at the point when the media have been exposed that the real history of the Iraq war will be written. You’re writing one now. Eventually, there will be acknowledgement of the Battle of Baghdad and the Battle of Fallujah. These things are being kept under wraps now because the very frail Bush League still maintains control of the equally frail imbedded media. That cannot endure.

* * *

Is it possible that the U.S. military used a neutron bomb against the Iraqi troops during the battle for the airport? Because the airport came under U.S. control, the world may never know. Some actions created bases worthy of further questioning. Shortly after the battle ended, many trucks laden with soil came to the scene and replaced dirt that had been dug up by the U.S. military in the airport. Then, the airport was off limits and did not open for nine months.

Reports did come out of Baghdad that there may have been an extraordinary event that quickly ended a fierce battle. According to Steven Salinsky in an article named “Arab and Muslim Jihad fighters in Iraq,” published by the Middle East Media Research Institute on July 27, 2003:

A Yemini volunteer said: “I was attached to a group of Arab volunteers in a residential neighborhood in western Baghdad a few days before its fall. When the American forces entered Saddam Airport, we were transferred willingly near there and found Iraqi forces belonging to the Republican Guard and infantry forces, which perhaps belonged to the Fedayeen, fighting ferocious battles several hundred meters from our position.

“The Iraqis fought fiercely in the battle at the airport, and the Americans moved under an aerial umbrella of fighter planes, helicopters and heavy bombing with missiles and giant bombs. It was a sight from hell, and hundreds of Iraqis and Arab volunteers were martyred.

This eyewitness report corroborates the scenario that the use of a neutron or other type special bomb would create in battle. In an article called “Iraq’s Secrets Are Tumbling Out,” published in the May 7, 2004 edition of the Indian Press, Saeed Naqvi wrote

A few days earlier, the colorful minister for information, Mohammed Sahaff, had threatened a “unique way” in which U.S. troops around Baghdad Airport would be “handled.” Two floors of the passenger areas were under American control. But Iraqis were still in occupation of VIP and service buildings. This is where the control valves were for water supply to the main passenger area where the Americans were. At night, petrol was pumped into the first floor. The ground floor of the passenger terminal was flooded with water. An 11 KV current passed through the water. The first floor was then set on fire causing the U.S. soldiers to rush downstairs — to be electrocuted. Heaven knows how many were killed.

To flush out the Iraqis from the remaining airport buildings, a neutron bomb was allegedly used. This enhanced radiation bomb spares buildings but reduces humans to ash. Iraqi Republican Guards, witness to this macabre display, informed the Ba’athist military leadership about the lengths to which the U.S. could go … Was this the reason why Baghdad Airport remained closed until nine months after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s statue on April 9, 2003?

On February 6, 2004, www.indybay.org ran an article by David Martinez titled, “Rumors and Rifles.” According to Martinez:

The first concerns the battle for the Baghdad airport. As you will remember, it was a fierce and bloody conflict, and at the end the Americans prevailed. But exactly HOW they won is being much speculated upon.

People say that there was a very loud explosion heard, and then after that, all resistance ceased. Then, eyewitnesses say, trucks were seen removing loads and loads of topsoil, as if it had been contaminated. And the families of the slain have asked for their relatives’ remains, to no avail. A British journalist told me he has seen photos of the corpses, and they are something akin to melted.

So, people think that the Americans used a small neutron bomb, a device that killed humans, but left buildings intact. It allowed the military to kill people without damaging real estate. A lot of folks here think that one of these was dusted off and used to wipe out the Iraqi fighters at the airport.

The media of various countries, such as Russia, India and some Arab nations, as well as journalists of the alternative sector, covered this story, but, no Western mainstream media approached the subject. Most of the reporting of the possible use of a neutron bomb by the U.S. against the defenders of the airport ceased about a year after the incident.
All that changed in April 2007. Someone close to the battle came forth and made the same allegations of those who had written about the use of a neutron bomb. Saifeddin Hassan Taha al-Rawi, the former commander of Iraq’s Republican Guard, was interviewed by Al-Jazeera News about the battle. Only al-Rawi’s back was visible in the interview and his face was covered because he is still on the run from the U.S. military. He is on the infamous set of playing cards the U.S. devised in 2003 as the Jack of Clubs. There is a one million dollar price tag on him.

According to an Al-Jazeera article of April 9, 2007, called “U.S. Accused of Using Neutron Bombs:”

Al-Rawi told Al-Jazeera that U.S. forces used neutron and phosphorus bombs during their assault on Baghdad Airport before the April 9 capture of the Iraqi capital.

“The enemy used neutron and phosphorus weapons against Baghdad Airport. There were bodies burnt to their bones,” he said. “The bombs annihilated soldiers but left the buildings and infrastructure at the airport intact,” he added

Various sources, from those who fought in the battle, to citizens in neighborhoods close to the airport, described a common scenario of fierce fighting, a huge noise accompanied by a massive flash, and an almost instant end to the fighting. Al-Rawi mentioned two weapons: a neutron bomb and a phosphorus bomb. The results of both fit the description of the melted bodies seen at the airport. In Fallujah, the U.S. used phosphorus bombs against the civilian population. At first, the allegations were denied, but, once pictures began to emerge from Fallujah showing melted Iraqi bodies, the U.S. administration admitted the use of phosphorus bombs, albeit the confession said they were only used to light up the battlefield.

We may never know the truth about the battle for Baghdad Airport because no Iraqis with cameras took pictures of the bodies of the dead. But, in Fallujah, pictures were taken and distributed so the world could see the melted corpses.

There is another possibility: fuel-air bombs, sometimes called fuel-air explosives (FAE). A common description of these weapons is “an atomic blast without the radiation.” This is not technically true, but the results resemble such an impact.

After Desert Storm, many Iraqi bodies were found that either were melted or incinerated to a pile of ashes. They were the recipients of fuel-air explosives. International rules of war state they can only be used to clear an area of the battlefield, such as a mine field, but not against personnel.

Despite the lethality of FAE, the public knows little about the weapon. Most people have heard of a neutron bomb or a phosphorus bomb, yet FAE, which are just as lethal, if not more so, remain unknown.

On March 12, 2002, the Weekly Standard published an article written by Victorino Matus called “Sucking the Oxygen Out of a Cave.” Matus explained:

Here’s how your average fuel-air bomb works: A warhead containing a canister of aerosol liquid such as ethylene oxide or an explosive powder is dropped on a target. “A small initial explosive charge bursts this canister at a predetermined height, allowing the contents to form a concentrated explosive vapor-cloud. This cloud is then ignited by a second larger charge, to generate an intense fireball and blast overpressure … Even if the FAE fails to detonate completely, it will generate a widespread burning effect,” says Jane’s (Defence Weekly). “The temperature can be as high as 3,000 degrees Celsius — more than twice that generated by a conventional explosive. The blast wave can travel at approximately 10,000 feet per second.”

Here is how the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) describes the effect of an FAE:

The (blast) kill mechanism against living targets is unique and unpleasant … What kills is the pressure wave, and more importantly, the subsequent rarefaction (vacuum), which ruptures the lungs. If the fuel deflagrates but does not detonate, victims will be severely burned and will probably also inhale the burning fuel. Since the most common FAE fuels, ethylene oxide and propylene oxide, are highly toxic, undetonated FAE should prove as lethal to personnel caught within the cloud.

We probably will never discover what the U.S. used against the Iraqi military in the battle for the airport. The effects of a neutron bomb and FAE are similar: instant death and melted bodies. Both produce a huge fireball, as described by witnesses, and a deafening sound.

Those who consider that the neutron bomb was the weapon of choice point out a factor that may sway the argument toward the atomic projectile. After the battle ceased, surrounding neighborhoods were measured for radiation levels. Those nearest the airport displayed elevated magnitudes of radiation. The levels decreased proportionately when checked in areas farther from the airport.

The thousands of tons of spent uranium in Iraq will poison the environment for millennia. Many groups have inspected the areas in which depleted uranium was used. It is no longer speculation, but fact.

The use of a neutron bomb is still open to debate, but many common statements by observers point in that direction. Either way, Iraq has been inundated with nuclear material from U.S. and British military actions. Both used nuclear weapons against Iraq.

One aspect of the battle for the airport that is never mentioned in the West is the participation by Iraq’s president. Iraq Screen published an article shortly before Saddam Hussein’s assassination in 2006. The author interviewed an Iraqi officer of the Republican Guard who participated in the battle for the airport in Baghdad in April 2003. The officer recalled:

While I was busy shooting with my colleagues, all of a sudden, we found Saddam Hussein with a number of his assistants inside the airport, we were really surprised because we did not expect such a thing, but Saddam went forward and took an RPG and put it on his shoulder and began to shoot by himself. We gathered around him and begged him to stay aside and leave us fighting because if we would be killed, we are common officers, but if he is killed, we would lose our leader. Saddam turned to us and said, "Look, I am no better than any one of you and this is the high time to defend our great Iraq and it would be a great honor to be killed as a martyr for the sake of Iraq."

That is What Dictatorship Built and What Democracy Destroyed

2010-10-18T09:49:00.000-07:00

This is what the dictatorship built and this is what the new democracy of Iraq has destroyed

by Laith al-Hamdani

This is the traslation of an Arabic article of which a longer version was published in Al-Hewar Al-Mutamadin [Modern Discussion] - Issue: 2268 - 2008 / 5 / 1 . The shorter Arabic version was edited by Wafaa' Al-Natheema and can be accessed here: http://iraqshistory.blogspot.com/2010/09/blog-post.html

Translated from Arabic for the Iraq History Group by
Misbah Kamal

Edited by Wafaa’ Al-Natheema

The 1970s and ‘80s witnessed an industrial growth that deserves to be studied and documented.

I will try here to recount, quickly, what has stuck in my memory on the achievements of the industrial sector.

Act No. 90 of 1970 was issued to restructure the industrial sector. The act abolished the State Organization for Industry, which operated a range of companies that were nationalized in 1964 and formed the state’s production sector, plus some enterprises that covered under the Iraqi-Soviet Agreement signed in 1959.

Based on this act, the following specialist organisations were formed:

1 State Organization for Textiles.
2 State Organisation for Chemical & Food Industries.
3 State Organization for Construction Industries.
4 State Organization for Engineering Industries.
5 State Organization for Manufacturing Clothing, Leather and Cigarettes.

A few years later, these organisations were restructured to enhance their specialization and turn the Organization for Manufacturing Clothing, Leather and Cigarettes into an organization for chemical industries. In addition, the first enterprise specializing in industrial studies and implementation was set up: the Organization for Industrial Design and Construction.

Also, the Electricity Board was linked to the industrial sector, and subsequently rebranded as a state organization and became known as Public Electricity Corporation. The metal industry, part of the Oil Ministry, was attached to the industrial sector, reconstituted as the General Organization for Metal, and subjected to the same regulations by the Ministry of Industry.

I want to point out that Taha Yassin Ramadan led the industrial sector administratively and politically at that stage, and that the late Najm Qoja Qassab, one of the most efficient engineering cadres in Iraq, was deputy minister for state organizations. The man was not a Baathist but had a leftist background.

The State organizations were as follows:

- Organization for Textile Industries, led by Hassan al-Amiri, who was originally an administrative officer in the sector, and relied in management of the institution on qualified engineers and technicians from within the sector.

- Organization for Construction Industries, led by Qasim Al-Oraibi, who was a talent known within the industry. He progressed in his career over the years starting as an engineer in cement manufacture, and then serving as general manager before becoming president of the Organization.

- Organization for Manufacturing Clothing, Leather and Cigarettes, led at the time of its incorporation by Kathem Al-Sheikh, an administrator of recognized competence and experience.

- Organization for Chemical and Food Industries, chaired by Subhi Yas Al-Samarrai, a chemist who moved upwards in his career working in the industrial sector.

- Organisation for Engineering Industries, led for a short time by Hussam Al-Najm before leaving Iraq. Management was then taken over by Ali Hussein Al-Hamdani, an engineer working for the sector.

When I write that a person was working for “the sector,” I mean that he was working in the industrial sector before the advent of the Baath Party to power.

Adnan Al-Kindi, chemical engineer and technical expert who moved upwards in his career in the oil sector, led the State Organisation for Industrial Design and Construction. The organization carried out dozens of studies and technical surveys; it was home to several qualified engineering, chemical and economic experts. Ahmed Basheer al-Naib, with a university background led the Electricity Board.

These brains were relied on in industrial construction and management. These people proposed and submitted studies to the government and were either accepted or rejected by the Planning Board. In my work as a journalist specializing in this sector for over two decades, I do not remember cases of setting up a particular enterprise by a political decision except one: the decision to construct cement plants in Al-Kaiem and Sinjar. That decision was taken hastily during the Iraq-Syria unity talks of 1978, which were discontinued.

ACT NUMBER 90 OF 1970 AND THE BEGINNING OF INDUSTRIAL PROGRESS

THE DEVELOPMENT OF IMPLEMENTATION

Immediately after the founding of the state organizations, special studies were commissioned for the development of each sub-sector, based on actual requirements.

Construction Industries
This sector included;

Iraqi Cement Company. Its plants, nationalized in the mid-1960s, included:

* Baghdad Cement Plant (Saida District) in Al-Rasheed Camp.
* Saddat Al-Hindiyah Cement Plant (Saddat Al-Hindiyah District).
* Samawah Cement Plant in the southern Iraqi town of Samawah.

Mosul Cement Company included:

* Hammam Al-Aleel Cement Plant.
* Badoush Cement Plant.

Serchinar Cement Company had one plant in Serchinar, Sulaymaniyah.

Also at that time, there were projects under implementation such as the Kufa Cement Plant and Fallujah Cement Plant.

The construction industry sector also included brick and concrete block factories that were called the Real Estate Industries. There was also the Asbestos Manufacturing Company that included a plant for manufacturing pipe and asbestos panels. The company was formed as part of the mid-1960’s nationalizations.

During the period 1970-1990, the following plants were constructed:
* The new Kufa Cement Plant No. 2 at the Kufa site.
* The new Samawah Cement Plant at the Samawah site.
* Karbala Cement Plant in Karbala Governorate.
* Taslujah Cement Plant, Sulaymaniyah Governorate.
* White Cement Plant in Fallujah.
* Kubaisa Cement Plant in Anbar Governorate.
* Al-Kaiem Cement Plant in Anbar Governorate.
* Sinjar Cement Plant in Mosul Governorate.
* The new Badoush Cement Plant at the Badoush site.
* The new Hammam Al-Aleel Cement Plant. (1)

The latest technologies used in the industry globally at that time were incorporated in the new plants and environmental concerns were taken into account.

In the brick making area, there was Al-Wassi Brick Plant, one of the nationalized factories, and another plant under construction. The majority of building works in Iraq use bricks made in the factories of the private sector, which were simple factories (2). Among the most pre-industrial of which were called the “alkour”, spread around Baghdad and in the southern provinces, where the soil was suitable [provided the raw material] for this type of manufacturing. These projects were executed in the construction industry, and new technologies were introduced in the areas of kneading, cutting and handling. The most notable of these projects were:

* The new Baghdad Brick Plant.
* Essowayerah Brick Plant.
* Kut Brick Plant.
* Missan Brick Plant.
* Tikrit Brick Plant.
* Karbala Brick Plant.
* Diyala Brick Plant.

Also introduced, for the first time in Iraq, were alternatives to bricks in order to reduce the destruction of agricultural land by scrapping the soil in manufacturing bricks. Accordingly, the following were erected:

* Thermal Block Plant in Baghdad (located at the old Baquba road) (Thermal block is a lightweight concrete block).
* Thermal Block Plant in Hammam Al-Aleel in Mosul.
* Thermal Block Plant in Basrah.

In addition to the limestone brick plants in some parts of Iraq, a plastic pipes factory was built in Baghdad at the site of the Asbestos Company as a prelude to stopping the use of asbestos pipes because of the damage to health and the environment caused by asbestos. And another factory for plastic pipes was erected in Al-Amarah in Missan Governorate. A number of modern factories for high quality plaster (3) used in coating interior walls of houses were built. The Glass and Ceramic Plant was re-studied and developed accordingly. These plants were established under the Iraqi-Soviet Agreement.

Textile Industries
In the textile industry, the following projects were implemented:

* Project for the development and modernization of the textile plants of the Iraqi Textile Company in Kadhimiya, Baghdad.
* Project for the development and modernization of the Fattah Pasha plants.
* Completion and operation of the Fine Textile Plant in Hilla.
* Development and modernization of the textile factory in Mosul.
* Development of the synthetic silk factory in Saddat Al-Hindiyah.
* The establishment of the Cotton Textile Factory in Diwaniya.
* Development and expansion of the textile plants in Kut.
* Development and modernization of the bags making plant (jute) in Baghdad.
* Building of a modern carpet factory in Baghdad.
* Construction of a Kurdish fabrics factory in Dahuk.
* Development of the old tailoring factories in Waziriya, Baghdad.
* Construction of three new factories with large production capacity for ready-to-wear clothing. The first for men's clothing in Najaf, the second for babies clothing in Mosul and the third for women’s clothing in Sulaymaniyah.

* Construction of a plastic bags plant in Tikrit, to cater for the needs of the agricultural sector.

Overall, the textile sector witnessed significant developments in the quality of production, methods of quality control and the establishment of modern laboratories for the first time.

Food Industries
Prior to 1968, the food industry included:

* Vegetable Oil Company.
* Cottonseed [Oil] Company.
* Dairy Company in Abu Ghraib
* Canning Factory in Karbala.
* Mosul Sugar Factory to which a yeast production line was added.
* Sugar factory in Al-Amarah (Al-Mejjer)
* Plants for the production of soft drinks. These were old enterprises distributed in Baghdad, Basra, Kirkuk and Hilla.

The food sector was re-organized under Law No. (90) of 1970 whereby the Vegetable Oil Co and the Cottonseed Oil Co were merged to create a single giant facility that has seen expansion of production in most of its facilities and meeting a significant part of local demand for vegetable oils and soaps.

The dairy industry has witnessed significant developments with the addition of new production lines and cold storage facilities in Abu Ghraib. Later the following were achieved:

* Construction of a vegetable oil factory in Baiji.
* Construction of a number of dairy factories in Muqdadiyah, Tikrit, Diwaniya, Mosul and Nasiriyah.
* Liquid sugar factory in Hindiyah. Because of delays and rising production costs, the project was modified for the production of molasses from date.
* Development of Mosul Sugar Factory.
* Development of Missan Sugar Factory.
* Construction of an alcohol factory in Khalis.
* Expansion and development of the canning factory in Karbala.
* Construction of a canning factory in Baquba.
* Construction of canning factories in Balad.
* Construction of two beer breweries in Mosul and Al-Amarah.
* Rehabilitation of sugar cane plantations in Missan and treatment of agricultural problems, especially the smut disease, which afflicted cane.
* Construction of a large-capacity factory for soft drinks in Baghdad.
* Construction of a factory for soft drinks and bottling plant for mineral water in Bani Khaylan, Sulaymaniyah.

Clothing, Leather and Cigarette
At its inception, this state organisation included the following establishments:

* The old private sector tobacco factories, using rudimentary semi-manual methods.
* Tailoring Factory in Waziriya, Baghdad.
* Tanning Factory in Saida, Baghdad.
* Footwear factories in Baghdad and Kufa.
* Sulaymaniyah Tobacco Factory.
* Synthetic Silk Plant.

After its formation, this organisation witnessed a comprehensive development. The old cigarette factories in Baghdad were dismantled; these were establishments that lacked the minimum safety and health conditions. Trade union workers struggled for decades for the provision of the appropriate conditions to avoid tuberculosis caused by dust in the tobacco production halls. Instead of these plants, the following were built:

* A cigarette factory in the Nathimiyah District, Baghdad incorporating modern technologies for ventilation.
* A cigarette factory in Irbil.
* Modernisation and development of the cigarette factory in Sulaymaniyah.

In the 1980s, the most up-to-date cigarette factory was built in the Habibiyah District, in Baghdad.

The tanning industry was drastically improved, new modern equipment were installed to reduce the burden of unhealthy conditions borne by the workers in this industry. In the footwear companies, new production lines were introduced increasing the capacity on the one hand and upgrading the quality of production on the other.

Years later this sector was re-organized whereby the cigarette, silk and tailoring factories were allocated to other specific establishments because of the expansion witnessed by the chemical industry. The following were implemented:

* Expansion and development of the drugs plant in Samarra after linking it to the industrial sector.
* Establishment of two large capacity fertilizer plants in Basra.
* Construction of a paper mill in Basra and later its expansion.
* Construction of a paper mill in Missan
* Introduction of new lines for the production of eggs trays.
* Construction of a factory for plastic pipes and tiles in Al-Amarah.

Then began the implementation of a petrochemical project Number 1, which lagged behind because of the outbreak of the Iraq-Iran war [1980] and its bombing more than once.

This period also saw the construction of a factory for manufacturing tyres for vehicles in Diwaniya and was expanded later.

Engineering Industries

In 1970, when the new law was applied, the engineering industries sector comprised:

* Dry Battery Plant, an old plant belonging to the army.
* Liquid Battery Plant, affiliated to the Ministry of Municipalities, with a small production capacity designed to meet the needs of the Passenger Transport Board.
* The Agricultural Equipment Plant in Alexandria, installation of machinery was delayed due to political circumstances in the aftermath of February 8th 1963 [coup d'état] as it was part of the Iraqi-Soviet Agreement. In fact, this project, despite its aging equipment, has become a training centre for engineering experts, who led dozens of civilian and military industrial projects.
* Electrical Equipment Factory, part of the Iraqi-Soviet Agreement.

Also in this sector, the following projects were executed:

* The expansion of the Dry Battery Plant, and the addition of new production lines and additional production halls.
* Expansion of the Liquid Battery Plant and review of quality control methods.
* The development and expansion of the electrical industries plants in Waziriya, Baghdad.
* Expansion of the Alexandria plants and utilisation of their vocational training centres.
* Construction of the light industries complex in Diyala.
* Construction of Al-Nasr Establishment for Heavy Industries. This was a basic foundation for heavy engineering industry.
* Construction of the Aluminium Foil Plant in Nasiriyah.
* Construction of the Cables and Wires Plant in Nasiriyah.
* The Construction of the Iron and Steel Plant in Khor al-Zubair, Basrah.

During this phase, the technical and economic cadres (all were Iraqis) of State Organization for Industrial Design and Construction were engaged in the preparation of studies for new and expansion projects.

The Mixed Sector
This sector was indirectly linked in 1970 to the Industrial Bank and included:

* The Light Industries Company, co-founded by a group of investors, notably Ismail al-Rubaie. The bank owned more than 50 percent of its shares.
* The Electronic Industries Company.
* The Bicycle Company in Mahmudiyah.
* Al-Hilal Industrial Company.
* Karbala Food Products Company (it produced molasses from dates). The company was liquidated later.

This sector was restructured later and included:

The Chemical and Plastic Industries Companies, formed by merging three companies operating in the same branch of industry. New production lines were added to it and become a giant company in this sector.

* Modern Clothing Company.
* Paints Company.
* Carton Company.
* Food Industries Company.
* Electronic Industries Company.

Behind the development of these companies and their expansion were the Industrial Bank and its team of economists, foremost among them Dr. Farhang Jalal, Basima Al-Dhahir, Abdul Salam Allawi and a group of managing directors and technicians. The Light Industries Co saw a qualitative leap in the diversification of its products and their modernisation in line with consumer needs. While the company produced popular cookers (which were small, the kind placed on table) and oil heaters, it moved on to produce gas heaters and cookers (large with oven) and refrigerators with distinctive designs and qualities. This development was accompanied by an increase in the manufacture of components within the company (reducing dependence on kits for assembly). The same was the case with the Electronics Industries Co, considered to be one of the pioneering companies in this sector. Its products have won the confidence of consumers in Iraq and neighbouring countries.

The Bicycle Co has added a line for production of pipes that contributed to economies in production. It also improved the quality of bikes produced making its operations profitable and enabling it to raise its capital and upgrade its facilities.

The Chemical Industries Co went through a wide range of developments including the addition of new production lines, manufacturing of plastic granules, high-pressure sponge, and interlinking of production with the private sector.

The Paints Co specialized in producing various types of paints with international specifications while the Modern Clothing Co specialized in making modern garments, shirts and pyjamas. Its success enabled it to occupy a privileged position in the local market.

As for the Carton Company specialized in producing cartons and packaging materials, while the Food Industries Co specialized in producing concentrated juice and beer. The production of Al-Hilal Co evolved to include air conditions. And the Electronic Industries Co was able, thanks to its staff, to gain the trust of the Iraqi consumer who began to prefer the company’s products to those imported.

Electricity
At the level of electricity generation a number of power stations were built, for example in:

· Nasiriyah Power Station.
· Hartha Power Station in Basra.
· Latifiyah Power Station.
· Mosul Power Station.
· Samarra Hydroelectric Station

Other stations doubled production capacity several times, although the electricity sector continued to suffer from the problem of not being able to fully satisfy the demand for power.

THE INDUSTRIAL SECTOR, WAR & SANCTIONS
The industrial sector encountered many problems during the years of the Iraq-Iran war [1980-1988]. On the one hand, the military effort swallowed Iraq's resources; on the other hand, productivity in the sector was negatively affected by mobilizing people for military service forcing most of the companies to employ non-qualified workers, turning the companies to training centres. The consequence of this condition impaired the efficiency of operating machinery as well as the quality of production.

Then came the years of sanctions [1990-2003] to make matters worse. The sector was denied development, modernization and the machinery and equipment used became obsolete and production lines ceased to operate because industry, as is known, is a complex of techniques that are constantly modernised, and obsolescence of machinery and equipment weakens the economies of production. Obsolescence of machinery and equipment turns them into non-economic units.

During the 1990s the Government has committed a grave mistake when it pursued the so-called privatization. This was applied in line with the political orientations of the regime that caused damage to this sector and resulted in the sale of many of the state companies under the pretext that they were loss-making establishments. Most of them were sold to people linked to the leadership of the regime. In fact, mismanagement and insistence on Baathification in the years that followed the outbreak of the Iraq-Iran war led to losses in most cases. Privatisation resulted in the suspension of development and making thousands of workers redundant. Moreover, the state’s attention at that stage was focused on military industrialisation and neglecting civilian industries, even though I disagree with those who view military industrialisation as if it is an absolute evil (4). Despite these difficulties, the state was working on Petrochemical Project No. 2 and endeavouring to develop existing industries.

The Metal Industries
As for the Metal Industries, they witnessed major development by expanding the Al-Mishraq Sulfur Factory and establishing the Akashat Complex, which enabled this sector to enter in the export markets for Phosphate fertilizers.

The Private Sector
The State did not ignore the private sector, but unfortunately the position on the sector fluctuated up and down. In 1970, a statement by President Ahmad Hassan Al-Bakr announced support to this sector. Accordingly, enterprises were allocated to the sector for investment. The government bolstered the position of the State Industrial Bank by increasing its capital and widening its functions. It has also supported the State Organization for Industrial Development by allocation of annual funds required for imports by the private sector. The state also encouraged the Federation of Iraqi Industries to carry out studies for the development of some industries. Actually one such project undertaken was the automation of brick production. The engineering staff of the Federation included two engineers, Yusuf Hassan Mahdi and Kamal Ahmed Agha, who worked on following-up this project to ensure its success. Brick making was one of the under-developed industries where labour was employed in a manner close to slavery (5), and has contributed to the contamination of the environment around the city of Baghdad and southern cities in general, especially Al-Amarah. Scores of these factories were upgraded and turned into semi-mechanical plants by the introduction of mechanized incinerators and automated cutting machines. These upgrades have contributed to improving the quality of the product used by Iraqi citizens in construction, especially in central and southern Iraq.

The sector suffered damage as a result of the entry into the sector in the 1980s and 1990s of people having no connection with industrial work. This state of affairs was in fact a product of marrying money and power and thus projects were built for making a quick profit, taking advantage of the privileges that were granted by the State Organization for Industrial Development in the areas of import.

AFTER THE OCCUPATION, MASS DESTRUCTION AND RETREADING BACKWARDS
Planned Destruction and Denial of History

Within the first days of occupation, it was clear that the industrial sector, like others, would be visited with destruction. On the one hand, most of the plants of the sector were looted and destroyed in addition to the facilities of the military industry, which cost the state billions of dollars and which had begun the transition to be civil establishments. Witnesses, who knew the reality of these facilities, affirmed that their machinery and equipment were transferred by organized gangs belonging to the participating parties in power, to Iran and sold at the cheapest of prices. Most of this loot was heavy equipment carried on tank transporters, which were also looted from army camps and sent to Iraqi Kurdistan and Iran. A review of the reality of these facilities will clearly show the extent of destruction caused to them.

In the statement issued in 2004 on the liquidation of some manufacturing plants it was stated that more than 50-70 percent have been looted. Friends working in the industrial sector confirmed to me that experts carried out the looting and that the machinery (including computer-controlled precision lathes) was transferred to Iran directly.

After the looting came the sabotage approved by all members of Paul Bremer’s Governing Council, when the borders were wide opened for a long time for import without or purely notional custom duties, which led to the destruction of the national industrial market and dumping the market with products that may be competitive in terms of prices but are not competitive in terms of quality, with the almost total absence of the Central Organisation for Standardization and Quality Control, which used to inspect all imports from abroad.

It seems that everything was planned to end those achievements by [the beneficiaries of the new Iraq]. More than 90 percent of the private sector factories were closed, and this favoured Iranian production (6) and all protection that was provided by the state to the national industry came to an end under loose slogans revolving around the market economy (7). Under these conditions, it became impossible for Iraqi industries to continue and secure means of updating due to high production costs associated with the already high fuel prices and an almost total absence of electric power and security conditions.

The mixed sector, a leading sector, also declined and some of its production lines stopped and are no longer working not even at half of their available capacity. As an example of the general downturn in the industrial sector it is enough to read the statements of government officials. Thus the Undersecretary of the Iraqi Ministry of Industry for Development and Investment said on 3/21/2008 that there are 14 cement plants offered to private sector companies for rehabilitation and development. He pointed out that the experts at his ministry think that it is likely for the investing companies to recoup the invested funds in a period not exceeding three years. One of the applicants for the rehabilitation of a Al-Kaiem Plant was Al-Hanthal Group in association with the Jawhara Co of the Gulf and Al-Bunyan. The agreement includes, inter alia, provisions for increasing the capacity of the Al-Kaiem Cement Plant to 900,000 tons (the plant’s production capacity, as I remember, was one million tons) (8).

Imagine that a country in which the size of corruption is some (18) billion dollars is incapable of rehabilitating key plants needed for reconstruction, assuming that actually there is a reconstruction. Do any of the investing applicants have the expertise of the Iraqi staff in the industry or that such transactions are but another kind of corruption. Minister of Industry, Fawzi Hariri, had announced before that (9) that the ministry has prepared a comprehensive programme for the rehabilitation and modernization of 12 plants. These plants are Karbala Cement, Muthanna Cement, Kufa Cement, Sinjar Cement, Al-Kaiem Cement, the Iron and Steel Plant, Abu Al-Khaseeb Fertilizer, and Petrochemical companies (10), Missan Paper Mill, Vehicles Manufacturing and the Glass Factory of Rumadi.

Iraq’s real private industrial sector will not have any role in the rehabilitation of these factories because most of its leading figures are out of Iraq to escape kidnapping and murder and paying astronomical ransoms to the gangs sheltered by the parties holding power. And partners of companies applying for rehabilitation of state factories will certainly be supporters of those in power and not men of the traditional industrial private sector. Those who are acquainted with the paper Strategies of Developing the Public Industrial Sector (11) - in which Dr Sami Al-Araji, Undersecretary of the Ministry of Industry, outlined the rehabilitation stages and development of companies and plants of the ministry – realise the generality of the strategies and the absence of any serious plans for the revival of the industrial sector. In paragraph 1 of the paper it is admitted that sabotage has continued until now, and pointed to the market economy as though it is the magic solution to the problems of the sector in a country which is in dire need to provide jobs for millions of unemployed people.

• This article reviewed projects based on memory. I apologise to the reader if there are projects that I have not covered.

ENDNOTES
1. A former official wrote that industrial development in the Baath era was sectarian because it was focused on Sunni areas. He cited the numerous cement plants in Anbar province. In our review is that the statement of this official is inaccurate. The reason for the presence of the cement plants in Anbar is well-known to those who understand industrial business - namely, that the Anbar region is one of Iraq’s richest areas in limestone, a raw material used in cement manufacturing. Knowing that the construction of projects near raw material sources reduces the costs.

2. Brick making was one of the most backward industries. Owners of these plants resorted to employing a whole family and paid a lump sum. It was natural to see an eight-year boy run in the mud in the process of kneading, or climb up the foretop to pour oil, as well as the elderly and women. The number of modern factories did not exceed the fingers of one hand.

3. Juss [gypsum] is generally used in construction in Iraq to coat the interior walls of houses. It was produced in a primitive way and there were only a few plants that were mechanized, but with small production capacity. The State established a number of modern factories in different parts of Iraq; these were sold in the 1990s.

4. Military industrialization was not a threatening evil, as some try to portray it. It has contributed significantly to establishing technology in Iraq and using reverse engineering on a large scale. It has also contributed to the construction and reconstruction of what was destroyed in the [Iraq-] Kuwait War [1991]. The best example of the construction capability of the military industry was the reconstruction of the bridges that were destroyed in the war and building the double-deck bridge, the last bridge which was built in Baghdad.

5. Brick workers lived near the factories in an atmosphere highly contaminated as a result of the incomplete process of fuel combustion. Working conditions were very harsh and children aged 8 years or even 7 years, worked in inhumane and unhealthy conditions. The people of Baghdad remember these factories and their smoke filling the sky, scattered at the northern entrance to Baghdad (Taji District).

6. A newspaper quoted a statement by Dr. Mohsen Al-Ahmad, Director-General in the Ministry of Industry, saying: “that Iran has been hindering, and since the past two years, the process of rehabilitation of the cement plants, iron and steel, bricks, drugs, health, electrical and plastic industries in order to compel Iraq to continue to import these materials from Iran at high cost and low quality. Al-Ahmed pointed out that senior officials, at the Iraqi Ministry of Finance, members of the government and the Iraqi parliament, were complicit in this scandal.

7. Industrial protection was granted to national industries at different rates commensurate with the quality of national production and available production capacity in the country. Studies on granting protection were considered by committees comprising representatives from the Ministry of Finance, Ministry of Commerce, the Central Organization for Standardization and Quality Control, Ministry of Industry and the Federation of Iraqi Industries. The Ministry of Finance, represented by the General Customs, determines customs duties on imports that had similar local products based on those studies.

8. Mr. Radhi Radhi, head of the Integrity Commission, at a hearing before the U.S. Congress said that the cost of corruption uncovered by the Integrity Commission was about 18 billion dollars. He concluded that major corruption cases involved 35 high officials.

9. The Minister of Industry said to the correspondent of the Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar in Baghdad, that the ministry has prepared a program for the rehabilitation and modernization of 12 plants, including cement, fertilizer, glass and others. The fertilizer industry was one of the export-oriented industries, which had a large market for the high quality of its products. Is it really beyond Iraq's ability, whose wealth and funds are looted daily, to allocate funds for the rehabilitation of these industries?

10. This paper was published in Al-Sabah newspaper of Iraq on 2 September 2007. It is full of generalizations and lacks clarity, especially regarding the future (i.e. the reconstruction phase). It relies on what it calls the perspective of a market economy.

11. On 17/11/ 2007 the US Al-Hurra satellite channel, reported that the Ministry of Industry will close the State Company for Petrochemical Industries because of its inefficiency. A cleric, Sheikh Al-Yaqoubi, took the initiative to send a delegation to the Ministry of Industry urging it to retreat from its decision for reasons that he has mentioned in the statement issued on 19/11/2007 and posted to a website named Jund al-Marjieyah. Note that the level of degradation is such that the ministry is considering dismantling one of the major industries of Iraq.

Translator’s Notes:
The original Arabic paper was published by Laith al-Hamdani on Al-Hewar Al-Mutamadin [Modern Discussion] - Issue: 2268 - 2008 / 5 / 1

Here is the link: http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=133109

Laith Al-Hamdani has published other articles on industry in Iraq that deserve to be collected, expanded and edited as he provides a corrective to the unqualified statements that are made by those with an axe to grind about industrial development in Iraq and its political economy.

Arabic readers interested in pursuing Iraq’s modern economic history and attempts at building a modern economy can read Dr Sabri Zire Al-Saadi, "al-tajruba al-iqtisadiya fi al-iraq al-hadeeth: al-naft, wa aldimouqratiya, wa al-mashroea al-iqtisadi al-watani (1950-2006)”, (The Economic Experience of Modern Iraq: Oil, Democracy, and the National Economic Project, 1950-2006, (Baghdad, Beirut & Damascus: Al Mada Publishing Co, 2009).

One of Al-Hamdani’s papers, in Arabic, related to this translated version entitled “The Iraqi Ministry of Industry and Dealing with its Companies between Yesterday and Today: The Story of the Company that Laid the Foundations of Heavy Industry in Iraq.” The article was published on 22 August 2008 by Al-Hewar Al-Mutamadin website and can be accessed at http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=144668

I have added a few sub-headings to the translated paper. I have also added some information in square brackets.

Thanks to Wafaa’ Al-Natheema, moderator of the Iraq History Group, for offering Laith Al-Hamdani’s article for translation.

FORGOTTEN GIANT: MULLAH ‘UTHMAN AL-MUSLI

2010-10-05T08:19:00.000-07:00

العملاق المنسي: الملا عثمان الموصلي

ONE OF THE GREATEST COMPOSERS AND MUSICIANS IN THE ARAB WORLD AND THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

by Zaid Khaldoun Jameel

22nd July 2010

The Arabic version of this article was posted to many websites, e.g. http://www.iraqiart.com/iNP/view.asp?ID=1109 on 17 August 2010. It was also published in newspapers like the London-based Alquds Alarabi.

Translated by Misbah Kamal

London September 2010

* All information in square brackets and the endnotes were provided by the translator.

Who has not heard the song 'Zoroni kolli sana marrah' [Visit Me, at Least Once a Year] by the famous Lebanese singer Fairuz [1935 - ], alleged by the media that its composer was the Egyptian musician Sayyed Darwish [1892-1923]. This is a song that many writers described as the apogee of authentic Egyptian and Arabic singing and a proof of the genius of Sayyed Darwish. But how many historians and musicians know that Sayyed Darwish borrowed this wonderful song from his teacher, the great Iraqi musician and singer Mullah ‘Uthman Al-Mousilli [1854-1923] without mentioning the fact that originally it was a Sufi Iraqi song entitled 'Zorr kabra el-habeeb marrah' [Visit the Beloved’s Grave Once]. [1] One would have hoped that this was the only song that Sayyed Darwish has borrowed from his master without acknowledgement.

Mullah ‘Uthman bin Hajj Abdullah was born in 1854 to a very poor family in an old house in the ancient Arab city of Mosul, when Iraq was under Ottoman occupation. His father was a fresh-water carrier from the Tigris River. As if the misery of extreme poverty was not enough, when ‘Uthman was seven years old his father fell ill and died within few days, leaving his children in the care of their destitute mother, who worked as a house servant of Mahmoud Effendi al-‘Umari [d. 1865], a descendant of al-‘Umari family, one of the oldest families of Iraq, and the brother of Abdul Baqi al-‘Umari [1787-1861], a famous nineteen-century Arab poet. This was not the end of the misery for ‘Uthman as in the same year a smallpox epidemic has afflicted the city and many of its residents; it did not spare ‘Uthman. The smallpox disfigured his face and blinded him for the rest of his life.

Al-‘Umari family embraced ‘Uthman and were keen to teach him the Koran, poetry and music. He stunned those who knew him thanks to a sharpness of intelligence, a beautiful voice and an extraordinary ability of memorising. He was always ahead of his peers. Paralleled with these were two more traits that were not expected from one in hardship – namely, alacrity and geniality of manners that opened doors before him and made him a welcome companion and enabled him to gain the trust of everyone without fawning or trying hard.

‘Uthman deepened his study of religion and dressed like clergymen, a dress that he kept wearing all his life. He left Mosul to Baghdad because of the death of Mahmoud Effendi and joined Ahmad [Ezzat Basha Al-‘Umari, 1828-1892], Mahmoud Effendi’s son, who became one of the Pashas of the Ottoman Empire and a major man of letters.

Baghdad was a key milestone in ‘Uthman’s life where he became a student of Rahmat-Allah Shiltagh [1798-1872], the virtuoso of Iraqi Maqam [2] and innovator of Maqam al-Taflees, and other masters. It was in Baghdad that he engaged in politics for the first time when he criticized the Ottoman Empire in a sermon that led to a short exile in Sivas in Turkey in 1886. After that he returned to Mosul to continue the study of Koranic recitation and joined the Qadiriya Sufi order from which many well-known Koran reciters in Mosul graduated. Thereafter, he joined the Rifa’iya and Mawlawi Sufi orders. We have to pause here to reflect on possible reasons persuading ‘Uthman to engage in Sufism.

Most Sufi schools of thought were distinguished by two main characteristics. The first is the use of music (since the ninth century) in their activities that developed into distinct music and singing schools of their own and left a marked influence on the music of the Middle East. Similarly music was used by Christian monks in medieval Europe, which has evolved significantly enough that prompted the Christian Church to resort to top musicians such as Johann Sebastian Bach [3] in church rites. To date music plays a key part in church activity. The second feature was that these orders were the refuge for the lonely and the desperate whose solidarity turned them into members of a single family. This makes us believe that the alacrity of ‘Uthman was just a cover for a tormented soul in a dark world full of sounds. The Ottoman state gave full support to the Sufi orders. ‘Uthman immersed himself deep in more than one order like the Qadiriya, Rifa’iya, Mawlawiya and mastered the Farsi and Turkish languages both of which, in addition to Arabic, are very important for the study of Sufism [mysticism].

‘Uthman moved to Istanbul where he quickly became the most famous reciter of the Koran, a composer and singer. His name spread everywhere. Sultan Abdul Hameed [1842-1918] hearing of him brought him to his palace by having him arrested to hear some of his songs. ‘Uthman has excelled in his performance and repeated the visits to the palace; he had even sung in front of the palace harem. His position evolved to the extent of carrying out official duties for Sultan Abdul Hameed. Istanbul was the capital of the Ottoman Empire and its cultural centre and where once one is distinguished his name becomes known all over the empire. This fame has helped ‘Uthman and made him welcome wherever he went and enabled him to establish close relations with the celebrities of his time.

Every time ‘Uthman entered a country he sung, learned and taught; he was considered the most exquisite in singing an excelling in his art. Thus, in Egypt he introduced Hejaz Kar and al-Nahawand melodies and their derivatives; and introduced to Turkish singing the Iraqi Maqam like the Mansuri and Mousilli Maqams. This style of singing is still known in Turkey as the style of al-Hafidh ‘Uthman al-Mousilli.

Some of his famous disciples in Egypt, Mohamed Kamel El Kholaie [1879-1938], Ahmed Abu Khalil Qabbani [1833-1903], Ali Mahmoud [1878-1946] and Mohammed Rifa’at [1882-1950], and in Iraq Mohammad bin al-Hajj Hussein al-Mallah, al-Hajj Mohammed Sarhan, Mohammed Saleh al-Jawadi [1888-1973], Mohamed Bahjat al-Athari [1902-1996] and Hafidh Jameel [1908-], but the most famous was the Egyptian composer Sayyid Darwish, who met with ‘Uthman in Damascus and studied under his direction for a period of three years. Darwish borrowed the religious mowashah [4] and numerous songs. The greatest credit goes to ‘Uthman, in cultivating the talents of Sayyed Darwish and his high ranking. The most famous song borrowed by Sayyid Drawish from ‘Uthman was ‘Zorooni bil-sana marrah’ which was a religious mowashah entitled 'Zor kabrel-habeeb marrah'. Also, he borrowed ‘Tella’at ya mahla noorha’ which originated from a religious mowashah entitled 'Bihawa al mukhtar al mahdi’. ‘Uthman also supported Iraq's foremost maqam performer, Mohammed al-Qabbanji [1901-1988].

The mowashah and song output of ‘Uthman is too large to detail in this preliminary article but I will mention the most famous:

- 'Zorooni bel sana marrah' [Visit Me at Least Once a Year]

- 'Tela’at ya mahla noorha' [It [the sun] Has Risen with Its Beautiful Light]

- 'Asmar ebu shama yaboo ibtisama’ [The Tanned one with a Mole and a Smile] based on a Mowashah by ‘Uthman al- Mousilli entitled 'Ahmad atana bi hossnihee sabana' [Ahmad came and captivated us with his charm]

- 'Foog el nakhal foog’ [On Top of the Palm Trees] based on a Mowashah by al-Mousilli entitled 'foog el ‘aresh foog' [Over the Arbor]

- 'Rabbaytek ez ghayroon Hassan' [I Nursed You Young Hassan] based on a Mowashah by al-Mousilli entitled 'Ya safwatel rahmani sakan' [O' God's Choice--]

- 'Lughatto el araby uthkoreenah' [Language of the Arabs Remember Us] performed by the famous Iraqi singer the late Yusuf Omar [1918-1986]. It was borrowed by Lebanese and Indian artists under different titles.

- 'Ya nass dellony' [O People Guide Me] was taken over by Mohammed al-Ashiq from a Mowashah by al-Mousilli entitled 'Sallo alaa khairin mudhar' [Say a Prayer for the Benevolent Mudhar].

- 'Yammil eyoon es~sood' [O’ You with the Black Eyes] which the late Nathem al-Ghazali [1921-1963] performed.

- 'Ya maan la’ibat' [You who have been Overpowered] also performed by Nathem al-Ghazali.

- 'Gomoo Salloo' [Arise, Say a Prayer] performed by Nathem al-Ghazali.

‘Uthman was known to have the ability to recognize men from touching their hands. He was also able to distinguish women from the way they walked. A quaint episode was during the preaching at a mosque in Istanbul in 1905. He went on and on when some of his notable acquaintances from Iraq reminded him of their presence at which he intoned: ‘O’ Fouad, O’ Musa, O’ Wafeeq, I will finish soon, wait for me.' The Turks in the congregation thought that that was part of the recital and responded: Amen, Amen.

One evening he was walking with his grandson, holding his hand on their way home. They passed through an alley known as ‘Aqdil Nasara’ [The Christians’ Alleyway]. While on their way, Sheikh ‘Uthman turned his ears listening and stopped beneath a window emitting a dim light. His grandson said to him:

- What is the matter grandfather?
- Listen! Don’t you hear the sound of oud [lute]?
- Yes. So what?
- This instrumentalist is killing me! Show me the door.

His grandson led him by few steps towards the door near them. Sheikh ‘Uthman knocked on the door with his thick walking stick and shouted: "O’ oud player, the Sol string is not tight, tension it a bit."

‘Uthman was a known publisher of books, most notably:

El Abkar El Hissan Fee Med-Hee Sayyid El Akwan (1895) [Praising the Master of the Universe],

Takhmis Lamiyyat El Bousiry (1895) [Quintupling Lamiyyat El Bousiry],

Al Marathi Al Mousiliyyah Fee El ‘Ulama El Missriyah (1897) [The Mousiliyah Lamentations of the Egyptian Scholars],

Majmoa’at Sa’addat El Darrayn (1898) [Compilation on the Joy of Both Worlds],

El Ajwibah El Iraqiyah Li Abi Than’a El-Aloosy (1890) [The Iraqi Responses of Abi Than’a El Aloosy] and

El Tiryaq El Farouqi [The Farouqi Antidote], which is the anthology of Abdul Baqi el ‘Umari (1898) [edited by ‘Uthman Al-Mousilli].

He published books by other authors such as Hall El Romouz Wa Kashf El Knouz [Decoding and Detection of Treasures]. He has also published a magazine in Egypt called Majallat El Ma’aarif [Knowledge Magazine] and opened up a bookstore in Istanbul to sell books.

‘Uthman al-Mousilli was distinguished by a high sense of patriotism; he was an outstanding supporter of Iraq's independence from British occupation. And in this area he scored well on numerous occasions often with a sense of humour. During a rally in Kadhimiya district in Baghdad against British occupation, the crowd heard a strange buzzing sound and thought it to be the sound of a hostile airplane and as a result all escaped in panic, leaving ‘Uthman on his own. He was the only one who recognized the source of the sound: a gaslight. ‘Uthman said sarcastically: “I swear, we’ve gotten independence!”

Although he was fun to be with, jolly in other people’s company, acutely sensitive, quick-witted, great singer, master reciter of the Koran, composer full of felicity, a man of religion, a skilled chess player; a man who was not forgetful, brilliant player of the lute, drum, Qanoon [zither or dulcimer] and flute, a book publisher and author, all these traits did not hide the man’s wretched nature that those who had studied him in depth discovered how desultory he was: flinging himself in the arms of Sufis and constantly engaging in various art forms were but a way for him to forget the misery of the dark world in which he lived and the terrible sense of loneliness in a world that he cannot see. Yet, this sense of loneliness made him not to forget close friends whom he had lamented and wrote about when they passed away. His troubled psyche was an important factor behind his love of travelling as if he was unable to find peace of mind anywhere.

The suffering of this giant ended on Tuesday, 30th January 1923 in Baghdad, leaving behind him a great legacy, which I hope that Arabs do not forget as they forgot others. A person who forgets his history is lost.

Footnotes:

[1] One of the best biographical studies in Arabic of ‘Uthman Al-Mousilli and his influence on his contemporaries is Dr Adil Al-Bakri, ‘Uthman Al-Mousilli: kissat hayatihee wa ‘abkariyatihee. ‘Uthman Al-Mousilli: the story of his life and genius (Baghdad: Ministry of Culture & Information, 1990). In page 73, the author details the influence of Sayyed Darwish.

[2] Maqam can be translated as an intervallic relation of tones within a fixed order.

[3] J S Bach (1685-1750) is not a medieval composer.

[4] Linguistically, the term Mowashah is derived from wishah a robe etched with embroidered ribbon and jewels. The derivation of the name was apparently meant to give latitude to lyric writers to modify the traditional form of Arabic poetry.

Mowashah is a type of group sing-along passed to us from the Andalusian Arabs in Spain that is why to this day it is known as Andalusian Mowashah.

Melodically, the Mowashah follows the lyrics so that it could have several meters. At times, the melody precedes the lyrics that are composed for an already existing melody.

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العملاق المنسي: الملا عثمان الموصلي

أحد أعظم الملحنين والموسيقيين في العالم العربي والإمبراطورية العثمانية

زيد خلدون جميل

من منا لم يسمع أغنية 'زوروني بالسنة مرة'، التي أشهر من غناها المغنية اللبنانية فيروز [1935-]، وهي الأغنية التي تدعي وسائل الإعلام ان ملحنها هو الموسيقي المصري سيد درويش [1892-1923]، وكم من كاتب وصفها بقمة الغناء المصري والعربي الأصيل ودليل على عبقرية سيد درويش، ولكن كم من المؤرخين والموسيقيين يعرفون بان سيد درويش قد اقتبس هذه الأغنية الرائعة من أستاذه الموسيقار والمغني العظيم العراقي الملا عثمان الموصلي بدون ذكر حقيقة أصلها وهي الأغنية العراقية الصوفية المعنونة 'زر قبر الحبيب مرة' ويا ليته كان الاقتباس الوحيد لسيد درويش من أستاذه بهذا الشكل البعيد كل البعد عن العدالة.ا

ولد الملا عثمان بن الحاج عبد الله عام 1854 في مدينة الموصل العربية العريقة عندما كان العراق تحت الاحتلال العثماني في بيت قديم لعائلة فقيرة جدا فقد كان والده سقاء يجلب الماء العذب من نهر دجلة. وكأن بؤس الفقر المدقع لا يكفي فعندما كان عثمان في السابعة من عمره أصيب والده بمرض لم يمهله سوى بضعة أيام حتى توفي تاركا أولاده برعاية أمهم المعدمة التي عملت خادمة لدى محمود أفندي العمري سليل عائلة العمري اعرق عوائل العراق وشقيق عبد الباقي العمري الشاعر العربي الشهير في القرن التاسع عشر. ولم تكن هذه نهاية كوارث عثمان فقد غزا وباء الجدري المدينة في نفس السنة طاحنا الكثير من سكانها، ولم يرحم عثمان فقد أصابه ليشوه وجهه ويفقده بصره ليغرق في عالم الظلام لبقية حياته.ا

احتضنت عائلة العمري عثمان وحرصت على تعليمه القرآن الكريم والشعر والموسيقى وقد ساعد عثمان في التفوق في هذه الميادين حدة الذكاء وصوت جميل وقابلية الحفظ غير العادية أذهلت كل من عرفه وجعلته متفوقا دائما على أقرانه. وقد صاحب هذا خصلتان لا يتوقعهما المرء في من هو في مثل معاناة عثمان وهما خفة دمه ولطافة معشره، وقد فتحتا له الأبواب وجعلته جليسا ومستمعا وقادرا على كسب ود الجميع بدون تزلف أو مشقة. وقد تعمق عثمان في دراسة الدين حتى ارتدى زي رجال الدين وهو الزي الذي لم يتركه طيلة حياته. وقد ترك عثمان الموصل متوجها إلى بغداد بسبب وفاة محمود أفندي لينضم إلى ابنه احمد العمري الذي أصبح من باشاوات الدولة العثمانية وأديب كبير.ا

كانت بغداد نقطة تحول بارزة في مسيرة عثمان، ففيها تتلمذ على يد رحمة الله شلتاغ، سيد المقام العراقي آنذاك ومبتكر مقام التفليس، وآخرين، وفيها خاض أول تجربة سياسية له فقد انتقد الدولة العثمانية في خطبة له أدت إلى نفيه إلى سيواس في تركيا عام 1886 لفترة قصيرة ليعود بعدها إلى الموصل وفيها تابع دراسة قراءة القرآن الكريم وانضم إلى الطريقة القادرية الصوفية، التي تخرج على يدها الكثير من القراء المعروفين في الموصل وانضم بعد ذلك إلى الطرق الصوفية الرفاعية والمولوية. علينا التوقف هنا للتمعن في ما كان من الممكن ان يقنع عثمان في الدخول في الصوفية.ا

لقد تميزت اغلب الطرق الصوفية بميزتين أساسيتين أولاهما استعمال الموسيقى في نشاطاتها منذ القرن التاسع الميلادي وتطورت في هذا لتكون مدارس متميزة في الموسيقى والغناء وذات تأثير واضح على موسيقى الشرق الأوسط، وقد ظهرت نشاطات مشابهة لدى الرهبان المسيحيين في أوروبا في العصور الوسطى وقد تطور هذا بشكل بارز فاستعانت الكنيسة المسيحية بأبرز الموسيقيين مثل يوهان سباستيان باخ ولا تزال الموسيقى جزء أساسيا في النشاط الكنيسي. أما الميزة الثانية فكونها ملاذ الوحيدين واليائسين بسبب التكاتف بين أفرادها وكأنهم عائلة واحدة. وهذا يجعلنا نعتقد بأن خفة الدم التي كان يتميز بها عثمان لم يكن سوى غطاء لنفس معذبة غارقة في عالم مظلم مليء بالأصوات. وقد دعمت الدولة العثمانية الطرق الصوفية بكل الوسائل. وقد تعمق عثمان في هذا المجال وبرز في أكثر من طريقة صوفية مثل القادرية والرفاعية والمولوية وأتقن اللغتين الفارسية والتركية وهما إلى جانب العربية في غاية الأهمية لدراسة التصوف.ا

انتقل عثمان إلى اسطنبول وبرز فيها بسرعة ليصبح أشهر قارئ للقرآن وملحن ومغن فيها وانتشر اسمه في كل مكان حتى سمع عنه السلطان عبد الحميد فجلبه إلى قصره عن طريق القبض عليه ليسمعه شيئا من أغانيه. وقد برع عثمان في أدائه وكرر الزيارة عدة مرات بل انه قام بالغناء أمام حريم القصر وتطور الأمر ليقوم عثمان بمهام رسمية للسلطان عبد الحميد. وكانت اسطنبول عاصمة الإمبراطورية العثمانية ومركز ثقافتها ومن يبرز فيها يعرف اسمه في جميع أنحاء الإمبراطورية وقد ساعد هذا عثمان وجعله مرحبا به أينما ذهب ومكنه من تأسيس علاقات وطيدة مع مشاهير عصره.ا

كلما دخل عثمان بلدا غنى وتعلم وعلم واعتبر الأبرز في الغناء والتجويد فيه، ففي مصر ادخل نغمات الحجاز كار والنهاوند وفروعهما وقام بإدخال المقام العراقي مثل المقام المنصوري والموصلي في الغناء التركي ولا يزال هذا الطراز يسمى في تركيا بطراز الحافظ عثمان الموصلي. ومن مشاهير تلامذته في مصر محمد كامل الخلعي، احمد أبو خليل القباني وعلي محمود ومحمد رفعة، وفي العراق الحاج محمد بن الحاج حسين الملاح والحاج محمد بن سرحان ومحمد صالح الجوادي ومحمد بهجة الأثري وحافظ جميل، وأما أشهرهم فكان الموسيقار المصري سيد درويش الذي التقى عثمان في دمشق ودرس على يده لمدة ثلاث سنوات وقام باقتباس موشحات دينية وأغان كثيرة من عثمان الذي كان له الفضل الأكبر في نمو مواهب سيد درويش ووصوله إلى تلك المرتبة المتقدمة. وأشهر ما اقتبسه سيد درويش كان أغنية 'زوروني بالسنة مرة' التي كانت موشحا دينيا بعنوان 'زر قبر الحبيب مرة' وأغنية 'طلعت يا محلى نورها' التي كانت موشحات بعنوان 'بهوى المختار المهدي'. كما كان عثمان من دعم مطرب العراق الأول محمد القبانجي.ا

ما أنتجه عثمان من موشحات وأغان اكبر من ان يذكر بالتفصيل في مقال بسيط مثل هذا إلا أنني سأذكر أشهرها:ا

'زوروني بالسنة مرة''طلعت يا محلى نورها'
'أسمر أبو شامة' الذي اخذ من موشح لعثمان الموصلي بعنوان 'احمد أتانا بحسنه سبانا'

'فوق النخل فوق' الذي اخذ من موشح لعثمان الموصلي بعنوان 'فوق العرش فوق'

'ربيتك زغيرون حسن' الذي اخذ من موشح لعثمان الموصلي بعنوان 'يا صفوة الرحمن سكن'ا

'لغة العرب اذكرينا' التي غناها المطرب العراقي الشهير المرحوم يوسف عمر واقتبسها فنانون لبنانيون وهنود تحت عناوين مختلفة

'يا ناس دلوني' الذي أخذ من قبل محمد العاشق من موشح لعثمان الموصلي بعنوان 'صلوا على خير مضر'ا

'يا أم العيون السود' التي غناها ناظم الغزالي.ا

'يا من لعبت ' التي غناها ناظم الغزالي

'قوموا صلوا' ناظم الغزالي

عرف عن عثمان قابليته على التعرف على الرجال من لمس أياديهم وله في هذا أمثلة كثيرة كما عرف عنه تمييزه للنساء من مشيتهن ومن طرائفه انه كان يعظ في مسجد في اسطنبول عام 1905 وعندما أطال وأسهب نبهه بعض معارفه من وجهاء العراق بوجودهم فقال منغما في أثناء ترتيله 'يا فؤاد، يا موسى، يا وفيق، إنني انتهي قريباً، فانتظروني'. واعتقد الأتراك الموجودون في المسجد ان ذلك من جملة التراتيل فأخذوا يردون على أقواله: آمين، آمين.ا

وفي إحدى الليالي كان يسير برفقة حفيده ممسكا بيده وراجعا إلى الدار واجتازا الزقاق المعروف بعقد النصارى. وبينما هما في طريقهما صار الشيخ عثمان يصغي بسمعه إلى جهة ما ثم توقف تحت نافذة ينبعث منها ضوء خافت. فقال له حفيده:ا
ما بك يا جدي؟

اسمع! ألا تسمع صوت عزف عود؟

نعم.... وماذا؟

ان هذا العازف قتلني! دلني على الباب. فتقدم حفيده به خطوات نحو باب قريب منهما. فجاء الشيخ وقرعه بعصاه الغليظة وصاح: يا عازف العود... وتر النوى نازل، شده قليلا.ا
وكان عثمان ناشرا معروفا للكتب وأشهرها: الأبكار الحسان في مدح سيد الأكوان (1895)، تخميس لامية البوصيري (1895)، المراثي الموصلية في العلماء المصرية (1897)، مجموعة سعادة الدارين (1898)، الأجوبة العراقية لأبي الثناء الآلوسي (1890) والترياق الفاروقي وهو ديوان عبد الباقي العمري (1898). ونشر كتبا لغيره مثل 'حل الرموز وكشف الكنوز' وقام بإصدار مجلة في مصر تدعى 'مجلة المعارف' وفتح دكانا في اسطنبول ببيع الكتب.ا

وامتاز عثمان الموصلي بخصال وطنية بارزة فكان من اكبر مؤيدي استقلال العراق من الاحتلال البريطاني، وله في هذا مواقف كثيرة لا تخلو من روح النكتة، ففي خلال تجمع جماهيري في الكاظمية لمقاومة الاحتلال البريطاني سمع الحاضرون صوت أزيز غريب وظنوا انه صوت طائرة معادية وكانت النتيجة هروبهم جميعا مذعورين وتاركين عثمان وحده وهو الذي ميز حقيقة مصدر الصوت الذي لم يكن سوى احد المصابيح الغازية (لوكس) فقال عثمان متهكما: لا والله حصلنا استقلالا.ا

على الرغم من كونه مرحا، عذب المعشر، مرهف الحس، سريع البديهة، أعظم المغنين، شيخ قراء القرآن، ملحنا يمتاز بطابع البهجة، مغنيا، رجل دين، لاعب شطرنج ماهرا، لا يعرف النسيان، عازفا بارعا للعود والطبلة والقانون والناي، ناشرا للكتب ومؤلفا لها إلا أن هذا لا يخفي الطبيعة البائسة للرجل التي كان كل من درسه بعمق يكتشفها: ارتماؤه في أحضان الصوفيين وانشغاله الدائم في مختلف الفنون لم يكونا سوى وسيلة له لنسيان بؤسه في عالم الظلام وشعوره المخيف بالوحدة في عالم لا يستطيع رؤيته، وشعوره المخيف بالوحدة جعله لا ينسى أصدقاءه المقربين الذين رثاهم وكتب عنهم. ومن الواضح ان نفسيته المضطربة كانت عاملا مهما في حبه للتنقل وكأنه غير قادر على العثور على راحة البال في أي مكان. وانتهى عذاب هذا العملاق يوم الثلاثاء المصادف 30 كانون الثاني (يناير) 1923 في بغداد تاركا إرثا عظيما أرجو أن لا ينساه العرب كما نسوا غيره فمن نسي تاريخه تاه في درب الحياة.ا

هذا ما بناه النظام الدكتاتوري وهذا ما دمرته ديمقراطية العراق الجديد

2010-09-26T06:56:00.000-07:00

الصناعات العراقية منذ السبعينات

ليث الحمداني

هذه مقالة أقصر من المقالة التي نُشرت أصلا على موقع الحوار المتمدن بعدده 2268 في الأول من أيار عام 2008 نقحتها وفاء النظيمة وترجمها الى الإنجليزية مصباح كمال ، أحد مترجمي مجموعة ’تاريخ العراق‘ الألكترونية .ا

Iraqi Industries Since 1970sby Laith Al-Himdany

هذا ما بناه النظام الدكتاتوري وهذا ما دمرته ديمقراطية العراق الجديد

This is What Dictatorship Built and What Democracy Destroyed

The English version can be read here:

http://iraqshistory.blogspot.com/2010/10/that-is-what-dictatorship-built-and.html

لقد شهدت سنوات السبعينات والثمانينات نهضة صناعية تستحق التوثيق والدراسة ،وسأحاول هنا أن أسطر بعضا مما بقي في الذاكرة عن منجزات ذلك القطاع وأذكر بعض الرموز من الكفاءات العراقية التي كانت وراء تلك الإبداعات والمنجزات .ا

قانون رقم 90 لسنة 1970 وبداية النهضة الصناعية

صدر القانون رقم 90 لسنة 1970 لإعادة هيكلة القطاع الصناعي، وبموجبه تم إلغاء المؤسسة العامة للصناعة التي كانت تدير مجموعة الشركات التي تم تأميمها عام 1964 . وكونت قطاع الدولة الإنتاجي، مضافا لها بعض المشروعات التي كانت ثمرة الاتفاقية العراقية السوفيتية التي وقعت بنودها عام 1959 وتشكلت بموجب القانون المؤسسات النوعية التالية :ا

المؤسسة العامة لصناعات الغزل والنسيج

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الكيمياوية والغذائية

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الإنشائية

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الهندسية
المؤسسة العامة لصناعة الألبسة والجلود والسكاير

ثم تم تعديل الهيكلة بعد سنوات وحُوِّلت المؤسسة العامة لصناعة الألبسة والجلود إلى مؤسسة للصناعات الكيمياوية بعد أن تم تنظيم المؤسسات وشركاتها. وبالإضافة لذلك تم تأسيس أول مؤسسة متخصصة بالدراسات والتنفيذ هي المؤسسة العامة للتصميم والإنشاء الصناعي .ا

كما تم ربط مصلحة الكهرباء بالقطاع، وفيما بعد أخضعت لنظام المؤسسات وأصبحت تسمى المؤسسة العامة للكهرباء. وألحقت الصناعات التعدينية التي كانت مرتبطة بوزارة النفط بالقطاع الصناعي وتأسست المؤسسة العامة للمعادن وأخضعت هي الأخرى لنظام المؤسسات العائدة لوزارة الصناعة.ا

أشير هنا إلى أن القطاع الصناعي كان يقوده في تلك المرحلة الوزيرالمرحوم طه ياسين رمضان إداريا وسياسيا وكان المرحوم نجم قوجة قصاب (وهو أحد أكفأ الكوادر الهندسية في العراق) وكيلا للوزارة لشؤون المؤسسات، ولم يكن بعثيا وإنما كان آتيا من خلفية يسارية.ا

المؤسسات النوعية كانت في ضوء القانون رقم 90 كما يلي:ا

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات النسيجية: قادها حسن العامري، وكان أصلا موظفا إداريا في القطاع، واعتمد في إدارة المؤسسة على مهندسين وفنيين أكفاء من داخل القطاع.ا

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الإنشائية: قادها المهندس قاسم العريبي، وهو من الكفاءات المعروفة ضمن القطاع. وقد تدرج فيه على مدى سنوات حيث بدأ مهندسا في صناعة السمنت ثم عمل مديرا عاما قبل أن يصبح رئيسا للمؤسسة.ا

المؤسسة العامة لصناعة الالبسة والجلود والسكاير وقادها عند التأسيس السيد كاظم الشيخ وهو كادر اداري مشهود

بالكفاءة والخبرة

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الكيمياوية والغذائية: ترأسها السيد صبحي ياس السامرائي، وهو أحد الكيميائيين العاملين في القطاع، وتدرج وظيفيا فيه .ا

المؤسسة العامة للصناعات الهندسية: قادها لمرحلة قصيرة حسام النجم، ثم ترك العراق ليتولاها مهندس من القطاع هو علي حسين الحمداني.ا

وحين أكرر هنا كلمة ’القطاع‘ فإن هذا يعني أنهم كانوا يعملون في القطاع الصناعي قبل مجيء حزب البعث للسلطة .ا

اما المؤسسة المتخصصة بالدراسات والتنفيذ فقد قادها المهندس الكيمياوي عدنان الكندي. وهو كادر فني تدرج بالوظيفة في القطاع النفطي . أنجزت هذه المؤسسة العشرات من الدراسات والمسوحات الفنية وكانت تضم العشرات من الكفاءات الهندسية والكيمياوية والاقتصادية ، فيما أصبح المهندس أحمد بشير النائب رئيسا لمصلحة الكهرباء.ا

هذه العقول هي التي استند إلى إراداتها في البناء الصناعي لأنها كانت تقترح وتقدم الدراسات للدولة التي تقر أو ترفض عبر مجلس التخطيط. ومن خلال عملي كصحفي متخصص في هذا القطاع على مدى عقدين من السنوات ، لا أذكر حالات فرض فيها إقامة صناعة معينة بقرار سياسي سوى قرار إنشاء معملي السمنت في القائم و سنجار الذي جاء على عجالة إبان محادثات الوحدة العراقية – السورية في عام 1978 والتي لم يكتب لها الاستمرار .ا

تطور التنفيذ

بعد تأسيس المؤسسات مباشرة بدأ إعداد الدراسات الخاصة بتطوير كل قطاع، وعلى أساس الاحتياجات الفعلية.ا

قطاع الصناعات الإنشائية كان يضم:ا

شركة السمنت العراقية معاملها المؤممة أواسط الستينات تضم:ا

معمل بغداد (منطقة سعيدة) في معسكر الرشيد

معمل سدة الهندية في منطقة سدة الهندية

معمل سمنت السماوة في مدينة السماوة جنوب العراق

شركة سمنت الموصل وكانت تضم:- معمل سمنت حمام العليل- معمل سمنت بادوش - شركة سمنت سرجنار وكانت تضم مصنعا واحدا في منطقة سرجنار في السليمانية

وكانت هناك مشاريع قيد التنفيذ مثل معمل سمنت الكوفة و معمل سمنت الفلوجة .ا

كان قطاع الصناعات الإنشائية يضم أيضا معامل الطابوق والكتل الكونكريتية وأتبعت إلى ما سمي في حينه شركة الصناعات العقارية. وكانت هناك أيضا شركة صناعة الإسبست التي تضم معملا لصناعة الأنابيب والألواح الإسبستية هو الآخر نتاج تأميمات أواسط الستينات.ا

خلال مرحلة (1970-1990) تم ضمن هذا القطاع إنشاء :- معمل سمنت الكوفة الجديد رقم 2 في موقع الكوفة- معمل سمنت السماوة الجديد في موقع السماوة- معمل سمنت كربلاء في محافظة كربلاء- معمل سمنت طاسلوجة معمل سمنت في محافظة السليمانية- معمل السمنت الأبيض في الفلوجة- معمل سمنت كبيسة في محافظة الأنبار- معمل سمنت القائم في محافظة الأنبار- معمل سمنت سنجار في محافظة الموصل- معمل سمنت بادوش الجديد في موقع بادوش- معمل سمنت حمام العليل الجديد (1)ا

وقد أدخلت في المشاريع الجديدة أحدث التقنيات المستخدمة عالميا في ذلك الوقت، وروعيت فيها القضايا البيئية.ا

أما في مجال صناعة الطابوق، فقد كان هناك معمل طابوق الوصي، وهو من المصانع المؤممة. ومشروع آخر قيد الإنشاء. وكانت أغلب عمليات البناء تتم بالطابوق المنتج في معامل القطاع الخاص، وهي معامل بدائية (2). والأكثر بدائية منها ما كان يسمى بـ الكور التي تنتشر حول بغداد وفي محافظات الجنوب حيث تصلح التربة لهذا النوع من الصناعة. وقد تم إنشاء العديد من المشاريع في هذه الصناعة، وروعِيَ فيها إدخال تقنيات جديدة في مجالات العجن والقطع و المناولة. وأبرز تلك المعامل هي :ا

معمل طابوق بغداد الجديد

معمل طابوق الصويرة

معمل طابوق الكوت

معمل طابوق ميسان

معمل طابوق تكريت

معمل طابوق كربلاء

معمل طابوق ديالى

أدخلت أيضا، ولأول مرة في العراق، بدائل الطابوق للحد من تخريب الأراضي الزراعية التي تجرف تربتها لاستخدامها في الصناعة، فقد تم إنشاء :ا

معمل الثرمستون في بغداد على طريق بعقوبة القديم. الثرمستون هو الكونكريت الخفي

معمل الثرمستون في حمام العليل بالموصل

معمل الثرمستون في البصرة

بالإضافة إلى معامل للطابوق الجيري في عدد من مناطق العراق، تم خلال هذه المرحلة إنشاء مصنع للأنابيب البلاستيكية في بغداد في موقع شركة الإسبست كمقدمة للاستغناء عن الأنابيب الإسبستية بسبب أضرارها الصحية والبيئية. وأيضا مصنع آخر للأنابيب البلاستيكية في العمارة بمحافظة ميسان، وتم إنشاء عدد من مصانع الجص الحديثة (3) لتوفير هذه المادة التي تستخدم في طلاء جدران المنازل من الداخل وبنوعية عالية الجودة. كذلك جرى إعادة دراسة وتطوير معمل الزجاج والسيراميك في الرمادي . وهذه المعامل كانت قد أنشئت في ضوء الاتفاقية العراقية – السوفيتية .ا

الصناعات النسيجية

في مجال الصناعات النسيجية تم إقرار وتنفيذ :ا
مشروع تطوير وتحديث معامل شركة النسيج العراقية في الكاظمية- مشروع تطوير وتحديث مصانع فتاح باشا- إنجاز وتشغيل معمل النسيج الناعم في الحلة- تطوير وتحديث معمل النسيج في الموصل- تطوير معمل الحرير الصناعي في سدة الهندية- إنشاء معمل النسيج القطني في الديوانية- تطوير وتوسيع معملي النسيج والحياكة في الكوت- تحديث وتطوير معمل الأكياس (الجوت) في بغداد- إنشاء مصنع حديث للسجاد في بغداد- إنشاء معمل للأقمشة في دهوك- تطوير المعامل القديمة التابعة لشركة الخياطة في الوزيرية ببغداد- إنشاء ثلاثة مشاريع حديثة للألبسة الجاهزة وبطاقات إنتاجية عالية:ا

الأول للألبسة الرجالية في النجف، والثاني للألبسة الولادية في الموصل، والثالث للألبسة النسائية في السليمانية.ا

إنشاء معمل للأكياس البلاستيكية في تكريت لتغطية احتياجات القطاع الزراعي

وشهد هذا القطاع عموما تطورات كبيرة في نوعية الإنتاج وفي أساليب مراقبة الجودة وأنشئت مختبرات حديثة لأول

مرة.ا

الصناعات الغذائية

كانت الصناعات الغذائية قبل عام 1968 تضم :- معمل الزيوت النباتية- معمل بذور القطن- معمل الالبان في أبو غريب- معامل التعليب في كربلاء- معمل سكر الموصل وإضافة خط لإنتاج الخميرة- معمل السكر في العمارة (المجر)- معامل لإنتاج المشروبات الغازية وهي مشاريع قديمة موزعة على بغداد والبصرة وكركوك والحلة.ا
وقد أعيد تنظيم القطاع في ظل القانون رقم (90) لسنة 1970 حيث تم دمج شركة الزيوت وبذور القطن في منشأة واحدة عملاقة شهدت توسعات إنتاجية في أغلب مرافقها وأصبحت تسد جزءا هاما من الطلب في السوق المحلية على الزيوت النباتية والصوابين.ا

وبالنسبة لصناعة الألبان فقد شهدت تطورات كبيرة حيث أضيفت خطوط إنتاجية جديدة ومخازن مبردة في منطقة أبوغريب وفيما بعد تم:ا

إنشاء مصنع الزيوت النباتية في بيجي- عدد من مشاريع الألبان في المقدادية ، تكريت ، الديوانية ، الموصل والناصرية. معمل للسكر السائل في منطقة الهندية. وقد تلكأ الإنتاج في هذا المشروع بسبب ارتفاع تكاليف الإنتاج و حور المشروع لإنتاج الدبس . تطوير معمل سكر الموصل- تطوير معمل سكر ميسان- إنشاء معمل الكحول في الخالص- توسيع وتطوير معمل التعليب في كربلاء- إنشاء معمل التعليب في بعقوبة- إنشاء معمل للتعليب في بلد- إنشاء مصنعين للبيرة في كل من الموصل العمارة- إعادة تأهيل مزارع قصب السكر في ميسان ومعالجة مشكلاتها وخاصة مرض التفحم الذي كان يصيب القصب - إنشاء معمل للمشروبات الغازية في بغداد بطاقة إنتاجية كبيرة - إنشاء معمل للمشروبات الغازية وتعبئة المياه المعدنية في باني خيلان (السليمانية)ا

الألبسة والجلود والسكاير

عند بداية تشكيلها كانت هذه المؤسسة تضم:ا

معامل سكاير القطاع الخاص القديمة، وهي معامل بدائية نصف يدوية - معمل الخياطة في الوزيرية - معمل الدباغة في منطقة سعيدة ببغداد- معامل الأحذية في بغداد والكوفة- معمل سكاير السليمانية- معمل الحرير الصناعي

وقد شهد هذا القطاع بعد تشكيل المؤسسة نهضة شاملة، فقد ألغيت معامل السكاير القديمة في بغداد، وهي معامل لم يكن يتوفر فيها الحد الأدنى من الشروط الصحية. وكان العمال النقابيون يناضلون على مدى عقود من أجل توفير الشروط الصحية فيها وتجنيب العمال الإصابة بأمراض التدرن التي يسببها الغبار المتطاير للتبوغ في قاعات الإنتاج. وبدل امن هذه المعامل تم:ا

إنشاء معمل السكاير في بغداد في منطقة الناظمية وروعي فيه إدخال التقنيات الحديثة للتهوية

إنشاء معمل السكاير في أربيل

تحديث وتطوير معمل السكاير في السليمانية

وفي الثمانينات تم إنشاء أحدث مشروع لإنتاج السكاير في منطقة الحبيبية ببغداد .ا
جرى أيضا تطوير صناعة الدباغة بشكل جذري، وأدخلت لها معدات حديثة للتخفيف من العبء الذي يتحمله العمال في هذه الصناعة بسبب المخاطر الصحية. وفي شركات الأحذية أدخلت خطوط إنتاجية جديدة ضاعفت طاقات المصانع من جهة وطورت نوعية الإنتاج من جهة أخرى .ا

بعد سنوات أعيد تنظيم هذا القطاع حيث وزعت صناعات السكاير والحرير والخياطة على المؤسسات النوعية الأخرى بسبب التوسع الذي شهده قطاع الصناعات الكيمياوية حيث تم :ا

- توسيع وتطوير معمل الأدوية في سامراء بعد ربطه بالقطاع الصناعي

إقامة مشاريع الأسمدة في البصرة

إقامة مصنع الورق في البصرة وتوسيعه فيما بعد

إقامة مصنع الورق في ميسان وخطوط لإنتاج أطباق البيض

إقامة مصنع للأنابيب والكاشي البلاستيكي في العمارة

وبدأ تنفيذ مشروع البتروكيمياويات رقم 1 الذي تلكأ بسبب اندلاع الحرب العراقية – الإيرانية وتعرضه للقصف أكثر من مرة.ا

إقامة معمل إطارات السيارات في الديوانية ثم توسيعه فيما بعد

الصناعات الهندسية

ضم قطاع الصناعات الهندسية في عام 1970 عند تطبيق القانون الجديد :ا

معمل البطاريات الجافة، وهو مشروع قديم كان تابعا للجيش.ا

معمل البطاريات السائلة، وكان تابعا لوزارة البلديات، وبطاقة إنتاجية صغيرة، الهدف منها سد احتياجات مصلحة نقل الركاب من البطاريات .ا

معمل المعدات الزراعية في الإسكندرية، وكان قد تأخر تنصيب معداته ومكائنه بسبب الظروف السياسية التي تلت 8 شباط كونه من مشاريع الاتفاقية العراقية - السوفيتية، وللحقيقة فإن هذا المشروع، ورغم تقادم معداته، أصبح بمثابة مركز تدريب للكوادر الهندسية التي قادت العشرات من المشاريع الصناعية المدنية والعسكرية.ا
معمل المعدات الكهربائية وهو من مشاريع الاتفاقية العراقية – السوفيتية وفي هذا القطاع تم :ا

توسيع مصنع البطاريات الجافة وإضافة خطوط إنتاجية جديدة وقاعات إنتاج إضافية- توسيع مصنع البطاريات السائلة وإعادة نظر في الأساليب ومراقبة النوعية - تطوير معامل الصناعات الكهربائية في الوزيرية وتوسيعه- توسيع معامل الإسكندرية واستثمار مراكز التدريب المهني الملحق بها - إنشاء مجمع الصناعات الصغيرة في ديالى - إنشاء منشأة نصر للصناعات الثقيلة التي كانت بمثابة قاعدة أساسية للصناعة الهندسية الثقيلة - إنشاء مصنع رقائق الألمنيوم في الناصرية- إنشاء معمل القابلوات والأسلاك في الناصرية - إنشاء معمل الحديد والصلب في خور الزبير بالبصرة

خلال هذه المرحلة كانت المؤسسة العامة للتصميم والإنشاء الصناعي بكادرها الفني والاقتصادي العراقي هي التي تقوم بإعداد الدراسات للمشاريع الجديدة ومشاريع التوسعات وقد ضمت كادرا تمكن من سد الفراغ في هذا المجال .ا

القطاع المختلط

كان القطاع المختلط في عام 1970 مرتبطا بالمصرف الصناعي بشكل غير مباشر ويضم :ا

شركة الصناعات الخفيفة التي شارك في إنشاءها مجموعة من المستثمرين أبرزهم اسماعيل الربيعي. وكان المصرف يمتلك أكثر من 50 بالمائة من أسهمها .ا

شركة الصناعات الالكترونية .ا

شركة صناعة الدراجات الهوائية في المحمودية .ا

شركة الهلال الصناعية .ا

شركة كربلاء للمنتجات الغذائية (لإنتاج الدبس) وتمت تصفيتها فيما بعد .ا

أعيدت هيكلة هذا القطاع ليضم فيما بعد :- شركة الصناعات الكيمياوية والبلاستيكية، وهي ناتج من دمج ثلاث شركات تعمل في الفرع الصناعي نفسه. وقد تم إضافة خطوط إنتاجية جديدة لها وأصبحت من الشركات العملاقة في هذا القطاع .ا

شركة صناعة الألبسة الحديثة

شركة صناعة الأصباغ

شركة صناعة الكارتون

شركة الصناعات الغذائية

شركة الصناعات الإلكترونية

ووقف وراء تطوير هذه الشركات وتوسيعها المصرف الصناعي وكادره الاقتصادي، وفي مقدمته الدكتور فرهنك جلال والسيدة باسمة الظاهر وعبدالسلام علاوي ومجموعة من المدراء المفوضين والفنيين . وشهدت الصناعات الخفيفة نقلة نوعية في تنوع منتجاتها وتحديثها وبما يواكب حاجات المستهلك، ففي حين كانت تنتج الطباخات الشعبية (وهي صغيرة وتوضع على الطاولة) والمدافيء النفطية أصبحت تنتج طباخات الصالون الغازية (الكبيرة والتي تحتوي على فرن) بأنواعها والمدافئ الغازية والثلاجات وبتصاميم ونوعيات متميزة. ورافق هذا التطور زيادة في تصنيع المكونات داخل الشركة وتقليص التجميع. والحال نفسه مع شركة الصناعات الألكترونية التي تعتبر من الشركات الرائدة في هذا القطاع والتي حظى انتاجها بثقة المستهلك في العراق ودول الجوار.ا

أما شركة صناعة الدراجات فقد تم إضافة خط لإنتاج الأنابيب ساهم بتحسين اقتصاديات الإنتاج فيها، وتم تطوير نوعية الدراجات المنتجة فيها بحيث أصبحت تحقق أرباحا مكنتها من زيادة رأسمالها وتطوير مرافقها .ا

وشهدت شركة الصناعات الكيمياوية تطورات واسعة حيث تمت إضافة عدد من الخطوط الإنتاجية لها وأصبحت تنتج الإسفنج ذا الضغط العالي والحبيبات البلاستيكية وترابط إنتاجها مع القطاع الخاص .ا

وتخصصت شركة صناعة الأصباغ بإنتاج مختلف أنواع الأصباغ وبمواصفات عالمية. في حين تخصصت شركة صناعة الألبسة الحديثة بإنتاج القمصان والبيجامات وحققت نجاحا مكنها من احتلال مكانة متميزة في السوق المحلية .ا

أما شركة صناعة الكارتون فقد تخصصت بمواد التعبئة والتغليف، في الوقت الذي عنت شركة الصناعات الغذائية بإنتاج العصائر المركزة والبيرة. كما تطور إنتاج شركة الهلال ليشمل المكيفات. وتمكنت شركة الصناعات الإلكترونية، بفضل كادرها، من كسب ثقة المستهلك العراقي الذي بات يفضل منتجاتها على مثيلاتها المستوردة .ا

الكهرباء
أما على صعيد الكهرباء فقد تم إنشاء عدد من المحطات الكهربائية أذكر منها على سبيل المثال في :ا
محطة الناصرية

محطة الهارثة بالبصرة

محطة اللطيفية

محطة الموصل
محطة سامراء الكهرومائية
ومحطات أخرى ضاعفت طاقتها الإنتاجية رغم أن قطاع الكهرباء ظل يعاني من مشكلة عدم التمكن من سد الاحتياجات.ا

لقد واجه القطاع الصناعي مشكلات كبيرة خلال سنوات الحرب العراقية – الإيرانية ، فمن جهة ابتلع الجهد العسكري موارد العراق، ومن جهة أخرى تأثرت إنتاجية القطاع بسبب سحب المواليد للخدمة العسكرية واضطرار أغلب المنشآت إلى الاستعانة بعمالة غير مؤهلة، مما أدى إلى تحويل المشاريع الى مراكز للتدريب مما أثر على كفاءة معداتها ونوعية انتاجها. ثم جاءت سنوات الحصار لتزيد الطين بلة، فقد حرم هذا القطاع من التطوير والتحديث وتقادمت معداته واندثرت خطوطه الإنتاجية . وخلال التسعينات ارتكبت الدولة خطأ فادحا حين سارت بما سمي ’التخصيص‘ وتم هذا وفقا لتوجهات النظام السياسية التي اضرت بهذا القطاع وتسببت ببيع العديد من المشاريع بذريعة كونها مشاريع خاسرة واغلبها بيع لشخصيات على علاقة بقادة النظام، وفي حقيقة الأمر فإن سوء الإدارة والاصرار على تبعيثها في السنوات التي تلت اندلاع الحرب العراقية- الايرانية كان يؤدي إلى الخسارة في أغلب الأحيان. وأدى التخصيص إلى توقف التطوير وإلى تسريح الآلاف من العمل. كما أن الدولة اهتمت في تلك المرحلة بالتصنيع العسكري وأهملت الصناعات المدنية رغم أنني اختلف مع الذين يتعاملون مع التصنيع العسكري وكأنه شر مطلق(4). ورغم تلك الصعوبات ، كانت الدولة تعمل في مشروع البتروكيمياويات رقم 2 وتسعى لتطوير الصناعات القائمة.ا

قطاع الصناعات المعدنية

اما قطاع الصناعات المعدنية فقد شهد تطور كبير حيث تم توسيع كبريت المشراق وتم انشاء مجمع عكاشات وتمكن هذا القطاع من الدخول في اسواق تصديرية للاسمدة الفوسفاتية

القطاع الخاص

لم تهمل الدولة القطاع الخاص، ولكن وللأسف ظل الموقف منه يتعرض إلى مد وجزر. ففي عام 1970 أعلن بيان الرئيس أحمد البكر لتشجيع الإستثمار الصناعي في القطاع الخاص، وبموجبه خصص للقطاع مشاريع يحق له الاستثمار فيها، ودعمت الدولة المصرف الصناعي بزيادة رأسماله ومهماته كما دعمت المؤسسة العامة للتنمية الصناعية بالتخصيصات السنوية اللازمة لاستيرادات هذا القطاع، وشجعت اتحاد الصناعات العراقي على الخوض في مجال دراسات لتطوير بعض صناعات هذا القطاع، حيث تم فعلا الخوض في تجربة مكننة مشاريع الطابوق. وكان الكادر الهندسي في الاتحاد يومها يضم مهندسيْن عملا على متابعة التجربة لضمان نجاحها هما يوسف حسن مهدي و كمال أحمد آغا. كانت هذه الصناعة من الصناعات المتخلفة التي تستخدم العمالة بأسلوب يقرب من العبودية (5)، وتسهم في تلويث البيئة حول مدينة بغداد وفي مدن الجنوب عموما وخاصة العمارة. وتم تحديث العشرات من هذه المشاريع وتحويلها إلى مشاريع نصف ممكننة بإدخال المحارق الأتوماتيكية وآلات القطع لها. وأسهم هذا في تحسين نوعية هذه المادة التي يعتمدها المواطن العراقي في البناء وخصوصا في وسط وجنوب العراق .ا

لقد ألحقت الأضرار بهذا القطاع نتيجة دخول عناصر طارئة على العمل الصناعي في عقدي الثمانينات والتسعينات كانت في حقيقتها نتاج لتزاوج المال والسلطة فأقامت صناعات هدفها الربح السريع مستفيدة من الامتيازات التي كانت تمنحها المؤسسة العامة للتنمية الصناعية لها في مجالات الاستيراد .ا

بعد الاحتلال تدمير شامل وعودة الى الوراء

مع الأيام الأولى للاحتلال، بدا واضحا أن القطاع الصناعي سيناله ما نال القطاعات الأخرى من التدمير، فمن جهة طالت أعمال النهب والتدمير أغلب منشآته بالإضافة إلى منشآت الصناعة العسكرية التي كلفت الدولة مليارات الدولارات والتي كانت قد بدأت بالتحول للصناعات المدنية. ويؤكد شهود عيان كانوا يعرفون واقع هذه المنشآت أن معداتها نقلت عبر عصابات منظمة تنتمي للأحزاب المشاركة في السلطة إلى إيران وبيعت بأبخس الاثمان. وأغلب هذه المنهوبات كانت معدات ثقيلة نقلت على ناقلات الدبابات التي نهبت هي الأخرى من معسكرات الجيش واستقر أغلبها في كردستان العراقية وفي ايران. ومن يراجع واقع المنشآت يلمس جليا حجم التدمير الذي لحق بها. وفي الإعلان الذي صدر في 2004 لتصفية بعض منشآت التصنيع يذكر أن أكثر من 50-70 بالمائة قد نهبت. وحدثني أصدقاء من هذا القطاع مؤكدين أن أعمال النهب تمت بأيادي خبيرة وأن المكائن ومنها أنواع من التورنات الدقيقة التي تعمل بعقول الكترونية، نقلت الى إيران بشكل مباشر .ا

بعد النهب جاء التخريب الذي أقره مجلس الحكم البريمري بكامل أعضاءه حين فتح الحدود على مصراعيها للاستيراد بدون رسوم كمركية لفترة طويلة أو برسوم شكلية فيما بعد، مما أدى إلى تدمير سوق الصناعة الوطنية وإغراقه بمنتجات قد تكون منافسة سعريا ولكنها غير منافسة من حيث النوع، في غياب شبه تام لأجهزة الجهاز المركزي للتقييس والسيطرة النوعية التي كانت تقوم بفحص جميع المستوردات من الخارج. ويبدو أن كل شيء كان مخططا لإنهاء تلك المنجزات . لقد أغلقت أكثر من 90 بالمائة من معامل القطاع الخاص، وكان هذا لصالح الإنتاج الإيراني (6)، وانتهت كل أنواع الحماية التي كانت توفرها الدولة للصناعة الوطنية تحت شعارات فضفاضة تدور حول اقتصاد السوق (7)، وأصبح من المستحيل أن تستمر الصناعات العراقية وتضمن وسائل للتحديث بسبب ارتفاع كلف الإنتاج المرتبط أصلا بارتفاع أسعار الوقود والغياب شبه التام للطاقة الكهربائية والأوضاع الأمنية .ا

وتراجع القطاع المختلط، وهو قطاع رائد وتوقفت بعض خطوطه الإنتاجية ولم يعد يعمل حتى ولا بنصف طاقاته الإنتاجية المتاحة. وكنموذج على التردي العام للقطاع الصناعي يكفي أن نطلع على تصريحات المسؤولين الحكوميين فهذا وكيل وزارة الصناعة العراقية لشوؤن التنمية والاستثمار يقول بتاريخ 21-3-2008 إن هناك 14 مصنعا للسمنت معروضة للتأهيل والتطوير على شركات القطاع الخاص. ولفت إلى أن المختصين في وزارته يرجحون قدرة الشركات المتقدمة للاستثمار على إعادة المبالغ الموظفة في فترة لا تتجاوز الثلاث سنوات، مما يعني أن أرباحها ستتضاعف خلال عقد من السنوات. من المتقدمين لتأهيل معمل القائم، هي مجموعة الحنظل مع شركة الجوهرة الخليجية والبنيان ، ويتضمن الاتفاق أمورا من بينها الوصول بطاقة معمل سمنت القائم 900 الف طن (طاقته الإنتاجية كما أذكر مليون طن) (8).ا

تخيلوا أن بلدا حجم عمليات الفساد فيه حوالي 18 مليار دولار ولكنه عاجزا عن تأهيل مشروعات أساسية يحتاجها لإعادة التعمير (ان كان هناك اعادة تعمير فعلا) وهل تمتلك أي من الشركات المتقدمة خبرة الكادر العراقي في هذه الصناعة أم أن هذه الصفقات فسادا من نوع آخر؟! وزير الصناعة فوزي حريري كان قد أعلن قبل ذلك (9) أن الوزارة أعدت برناجا شاملا لتأهيل وتحديث 12 مصنعا. وهذه المصانع هي ’سمنت كربلاء‘ و ’سمنت المثنى‘ ، ’سمنت الكوفة‘ ، ’سمنت سنجار‘ وسمنت القائم وشركات الحديد والصلب وأسمدة أبو الخصيب والبتروكيمياويات (10) وورق ميسان والسيارات وزجاج الرمادي.ا

القطاع الخاص العراقي الصناعي الحقيقي لن يكون له أي دور في عمليات التأهيل هذه لأن أغلب رموزه أصبحوا خارج العراق هربا من الخطف والقتل، والاضطرار لدفع مبالغ فلكية كفدية لعصابات تحتمي بأحزاب ممسكة بالسلطة. والمساهمون مع الشركات المتقدمة للتأهيل سيكونون من أعوان السلطة بالتأكيد وليس من رجال القطاع الخاص الصناعي العريق. والمطلع على ورقة ’استراتيجيات تنمية القطاع الصناعي العام‘ (11) التي حدد فيها د. سامي الأعرجي وكيل الوزارة مراحل لتأهيل وتطوير شركات ومعامل الوزارة يدرك من عموميتها عدم وجود أية جدية لإعادة الحياة للقطاع الصناعي، فهي تعترف في الفقرة ’1‘ أن التخريب مستمر حتى الآن وهي تشير لاقتصاد السوق وكأنه الحل السحري لمشكلات القطاع في بلد هو بأمسّ الحاجة لتوفير فرص عمل لملايين العاطلين.ا

• المقالة استعرضت المشروعات معتمدة على الذاكرة فعذرا إن كان هناك مشروعات لم نذكرها

هوامش

(1) كتب أحد المسؤولين السابقين يقول إن التنمية الصناعية في عهد البعث كانت تنمية (طائفية) لأنها اهتمت بالمناطق السنية. واستشهد هذا المسؤول بتعدد مشاريع السمنت في محافظة الانبار. استعراضنا للمشاريع أعلاه يثبت عدم دقة ما جاء به ذلك المسؤول، أما قضية مشاريع السمنت في الأنبار فإن السبب معروف لمن يفهم بالعمل الصناعي، وهو أن المنطقة تعتبر من أغنى مناطق العراق بحجر الكلس المستخدم في هذه الصناعة، علما بأن إقامة المشاريع بالقرب من مصدر المواد الأولية يؤدي إلى خفض التكاليف .ا

(2) كانت صناعة الطابوق من أكثر الصناعات تخلفا، وكان أصحاب هذه المعامل يلجؤون إلى تشغيل الأسرة بكاملها بأجر مقطوع. وكان من الطبيعي أن ترى ابن الثماني سنوات يخوض في الأطيان في عملية العجن أو يصعد فوق المنصة العالية ليصب النفط، وكذلك العجوز والمرأة. وكان عدد المعامل المتطورة لايتجاوز أصابع اليد الواحدة .ا

(3) تستخدم مادة (الجص) في البناء في العراق عموما لطلاء الجدران الداخلية للبيوت . وكانت تنتج بأسلوب بدائي ولم يكن هناك سوى مصانع تعد على أصابع اليد تستخدم المكننة ولكن بطاقة إنتاجية قليلة. أنشأت الدولة عددا من المصانع الحديثة في أنحاء مختلفة من العراق (بيعت في مرحلة التسعينات).ا

(4) لم يكن التصنيع العسكري، كما يحاول البعض ان يصوره، شرا مستطيرا، فقد أسهم مساهمة كبيرة في توطين التكنولوجيا في العراق واستخدمت فيه (الهندسة العكسية) على نطاق واسع، وأسهم ايضا في عمليات البناء وإعادة إعمار ما دمرته حرب الكويت. وأفضل مثال على قدرته على الإعمار هو إعادة الجسور التي دمرت في الحرب وبناء جسر الطابقين، آخر الجسور التي بنيت في بغداد .ا

(5) كان عمال صناعة الطابوق يسكنون قرب المصانع في أجواء ملوثة بدرجة عالية نتيجة عملية الاحتراق غير التام للوقود، وكانت ظروف العمل فيها قاسية جدا ويشتغل الأولاد بأعمار 8 سنوات أو حتى 7 سنوات أحيانا في ظروف غير إنسانية وغير صحية. ويذكر أهالي بغداد تلك المعامل التي كانت تنتشر في مدخل بغداد الشمالي (منطقة التاجي) وطريق بعقوبة القديم وأجواء الدخان فيها.ا

(6) نقلت إحدى الصحف تصريحا للدكتور محسن الأحمد المدير العام في وزارة الصناعة قال فيه: (إن إيران تعرقل، ومنذ عامين، عملية إعادة تأهيل مصانع السمنت والحديد والصلب والطابوق والصناعات الدوائية والصحية والكهربائية والبلاستيكية بهدف إجبار العراق على الاستمرار في استيراد تلك المواد من إيران بكلف عالية ونوعيات متدنية. وأوضح الأحمد أن موظفين كبارا في وزارة المالية العراقية والحكومة والبرلمان العراقي متورطون في تلك الفضيحة .ا

(7) كانت الحماية الصناعية تمنح للصناعات الوطنية بنسب مختلفة تتناسب مع نوعية الإنتاج الوطني والطاقات الإنتاجية المتوفرة في البلد. دراسات منح الحماية كانت تعد من قبل لجان تضم ممثلين عن وزارة المالية، وزارة التجارة، الجهاز المركزي للتقييس والسيطرة النوعية، وزارة الصناعة واتحاد الصناعات العراقي. وكانت وزارة المالية الممثلة بالكمارك العامة تحدد الرسوم الكمركية على المستوردات المشابهة للمنتج المحلي في ضوء تلك الدراسات .ا

(8) قال السيد راضي الراضي رئيس هيئة النزاهة في جلسة استماع أمام الكونغرس الأمريكي إن تكلفة الفساد الذي كشفت عنه لجنة النزاهة حوالي 18 مليار دولار، وقال إنه توصل إلى أن قضايا فساد كبيرة تعود الى 35 من كبار المسؤولين .ا

(9) قال وزير الصناعة لمراسل جريدة الأخبار اللبنانية في بغداد إن الوزارة أعدت برنامجا لتأهيل وتحديث 12 مصنعا وإن المصانع تشمل صناعة السمنت والأسمدة والزجاج وغيرها، صناعة الأسمدة كانت من الصناعات التصديرية التي احتلت أسواقا واسعة لجودة نوعية إنتاجها فهل يعجز العراق الذي تنهب ثرواته وأمواله يوميا عن تخصيص المبالغ اللازمة لإعادة تأهيل هذه الصناعات ؟

(10) الورقة نشرت في جريدة ’الصباح‘ العراقية بتاريخ 2-9-2007 وتتسم بالعمومية وعدم الوضوح وخاصة بالنسبة لمستقبل إعادة الإعمار وتركز الورقة على ماتسميه ’منظور اقتصاد السوق‘.ا

(11) في 17-11-2007 ذكرت قناة الحرة الأمريكية أن وزارة الصناعة ستغلق الشركة العامة لصناعة البتروكيمياويات بسبب عدم الجدوى، وقد بادر أحد رجال الدين الشيخ اليعقوبي بإرسال وفد إلى وزارة الصناعة للتراجع عن القرار بدوافع ذكرها في بيان أصدره في 19-11-2007 ونقله موقع ألكتروني اسمه ’جند المرجعية‘ ، علما بأن هذه الصناعة هي أحد أهم الصناعات العراقية .ا

President Abdul Rahman Aref

2010-09-03T16:00:00.000-07:00

Abdul-Rahman Aref
[1916- 24 August 2007]

The Man Who Ruled Iraq Quietly, Lived Quietly and Departed Quietly

By Kadhim Finjan Al-Hamami

http://www.urbab.net/news.php?action=view&id=1215

(The Arabic Version)
الرابط لمقالة كاظم فنجان الحمامي

Translated to English by Misbah Kamal

On this day in 2007 the former Iraqi President Abdul-Rahman Muhammad Aref passed away after a principled life-long service and historic deeds to the homeland that will not be forgotten over the generations. He was a genuine patriot loved by all people whether they agreed or disagreed with him. He did not bear grudge against any person in Iraq or elsewhere. His attention was focused on serving the Iraqis; he put these concerns above all other considerations.

His reign was characterized by calmness. He lived quietly, and distanced himself and his family from the vagaries of political turmoil and explosive conditions. That is why he enjoyed a long life of nearly ninety years. He departed calmly as an ordinary person, like one of us. Indeed, he is the only Iraqi president who died naturally in his bed. His funeral in Jordan, where he was buried in the Mafraq Cemetery among other Iraqi officers and soldiers who died in the battles of liberation, was a majestic event. He was not dragged to death or assassinated or hanged; he simply died laying in bed in an intensive care unit in Amman, and that is a blessing from God that set him apart from other rulers of Iraq.

Aref’s regime was characterized by a wide margin of cultural freedom, a prevailing spirit of tolerance, magnanimity, bypassing trivialities and grudges, and discarding denunciations. He was known during his reign for his tolerance, flexibility in attempts to open the door for opponents, establishment of what is known as the Presidential Advisory Council, which included a number of former prime ministries, some of whom were opponents. During his presidency, political parties became active; he kept friendly relations with them. He was tolerant even with those who sought to overthrow him. Throughout his rule, he never signed any decree of execution.

Let me record here a unique situation related to me by Qais Abdul-Rahman Aref, my teacher at the Marine Vocational School. This incident reflects the simplicity of the president and his serenity. He refused to be accompanied by the trappings of presidential processions. He was never happy with security vehicles following him with their sirens breaching traffic rules. He was happy with only one car driving behind him slowly. One day he decided to drive his white car himself accompanied by his gentle wife to visit his relatives, unaccompanied by any protection. It happened that one of the tyres of the car was suddenly damaged in the middle of the road. A car passed by driven by a young Iraqi doctor with his family. The young doctor stopped and saw that the President of the Republic was stuck on the side of the road with a flat tyre. The doctor walked towards the President, and said to him: "Am I imagining or you are really the President?” The President smiled and said to him: “Yes my son, I'm the President.” The young man rolled up his sleeves, replaced the flat tyre and accompanied the President all the way to the house he intended to visit out of his concern for his safety.

Incidents like this were not alien to this humble man, who kept his Baghdadi home in the Yarmouk district, seen by people in the popular Ma’moun Market with his wife (Umm Qais), shopping vegetables and meat, wearing a white dishdasha, conducting himself spontaneously like any ordinary citizen, thereby expressing extreme simplicity that was a mark of his life and those of his children after him, chief among whom is Mr Qais Abdul-Rahman.

Captain Ali Hussein Karim talked to me a few hours ago on the part that Marine Colonel Qais Abdul-Rahman has played in changing the course of his life. Says Ali: “I was frequently absent from the marine classes at the Marine Academy to the point of breaching the disciplinary limits. The order on my expulsion from the Academy was contingent on the signature of the Colonel, but he refused to sign the order. He decided to give me one last chance. He tendered his advice and guidance in the presence of my father, and expressed his concern for my future and the future of my family. At the time I felt his genuine words, the brotherly care, and that the person who was talking to me was my older brother. Today, I am a captain navigating the open sea thanks to this eagerly concerned patriot.”

May God have mercy on the soul of the great Abdul-Rahman Aref, who was a good and wise president, a sincere man overflowing with patriotism, and an Iraqi worthy of respect and honour. He deserves to be well remembered after having lived calmly, ruled quietly, stepped down from the presidential post quietly and died quietly.

Basra 08/24/2010

________________

Translator’s Remarks
This translation was commissioned by Wafaa’ Al-Natheema to commemorate the 3rd anniversary of the death of Abdul-Rahman Aref. Wafaa’ rightly believes that the life and politics of Aref, a unique interregnum in Iraq’s modern history, deserves serious study.

Translation was not easy as the style of the writer is discursive and lacks conciseness. I have taken some liberty in rendering the text in English. The article reads like a rushed journalistic piece to pay tribute to Abdul-Rahman Aref on the third anniversary of his death. It is anecdotal and based probably on second-hand sources. Aref was president of Iraq for two years (1966-1968); therefore crediting him with “historic deeds” as the writer asserts could be viewed as an exaggeration..

For a different journalistic approach, Arabic readers can refer to Laith Al-Hamdani’s article (published on 27 August 2007), some of whose ideas were borrowed by Kadhim Finjan Al-Hamami. Here is the link to Al-Hamdani: http://www.ahewar.org/debat/show.art.asp?aid=107178

Misbah Kamal

Insurance in 1935: Law No. 64 of Dallaleen

2010-07-29T12:49:00.000-07:00

by Misbah Kamal

A Note on Insurance Intermediation in the
Law of Dallaleen No. 64 of 1935

In September 2008 I published a short study in Arabic entitled: "Concerning Intermediation and Insurance Intermediation in Iraq" in the Iraq Insurance Review blog http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2008_09_01_archive.html

In introducing the study I pointed out that it is "a preliminary incomplete study, which needs to be developed." In making that statement, I was hoping that "colleagues in Iraq would contribute to aspects of the legal and economic role expected of insurance brokers in the structure of Iraq’s insurance market.” I also mentioned that “insurance intermediation, as a distinct profession is not known in Iraq’s business sector; there is no business culture associated with insurance intermediation but, in the broad sense, it is not lacking in Iraq and in this context we have to recall intermediation in buying and selling real estate.”
Recently I have come across a piece of legislation entitled Law of Dallaleen No. 64 of 1935, confirming the validity of the comments that I have quoted above regarding the concept and practice of intermediation and its public circulation but more importantly the presence of insurance intermediation apparently as a distinct activity.

This Law (قانون الدلالين) is called Kanoon Al-Dallaleen. The word Dallaleen is the plural form of Dallal, which is used to imply auctioneer, insurance broker, stockbroker, intermediary, middleman and estate agent. Literally, the Arabic word Dallal means one who guides (and any professional intermediary is expected to guide clients).

I have translated the Law to English in full, appended below, for the benefit of the non-Arabic reader and to use it for my commentary on selected aspects of the law in the context of insurance intermediation. From the perspective of insurance history in Iraq, it is an important piece of legislation.
Here, I am taking advantage of some of the provisions of this Law to re-state and refine the general idea of intermediation to which I referred in my earlier study in Arabic– namely, that insurance intermediation, albeit in a limited form, was known and was the subject of limited regulation in the 193os.

Because of the generic nature of the concept “Dallal” as applied in this law, I have opted for using the English transliteration of the Arabic word in its various forms.

Article 1 of this Law provides the following definitions:

"Delalah – al-Wassattah [mediation, intermediation, brokerage] for concluding contracts or facilitating civil or commercial transactions concerning movable and immovable property, bonds and [shipping/insurance?] policies[1] and banknotes of different types and other branches deriving from such transactions.

Dallal [intermediary, broker] – he who is engaged in intermediation as a profession.”

We note here that the word "Dallal" is explained by the word al-Wassattah "mediation, intermediation” which suggests that the two words are synonymous. We also note that Delalah, the activity of intermediation, according to article 2 of this law, is limited to natural persons, as the law makes no specific provisions for the registration of the Dallal as a corporate body.

Sub-Article 2- E requires that the Dallal is “Competent in reading and writing in Arabic or employs a person with such competence.” This is interesting as it points to promoting Arabic as a language of business. It also implies that the Dallal might be either illiterate or a foreigner who has no command of the Arabic language. Thus, to make up for the lack of language competency, the Dallal has to employ “a person with such competence.”

Article 3 mandates that the Dallal must register at the Chamber of Commerce in the region where he practices his business. The registration is annual and subject to renewal and updating the identity of the category(ies) of Delalah engaged in. Here we see the early role of law in consolidating the position of chambers of commerce as partners in regulatory activity.

Article 4 refers to the classification of Dallaleen by the Chamber of Commerce to five categories but these categories are not mentioned (we assume that there was an implementing instrument or regulation in this regard that we have not been able to trace). We also assume that Delalah [intermediation, brokerage] in insurance business was one of these five categories. We are encouraged to assert this view because Schedule B of Order Number 14 of 1936, based on Law of Dallaleen No. 64 of 1935, sets the level of fees for intermediation in Baghdad in respect of a plethora of activities. The following fees were set for insurance:

“Fire and Flood and other Insurance, excluding life insurance, 10% of the original premium.

Life insurance, 25% of the total premium of the first year.”

The law also includes a few provisions on the organization of the Dellal’s business like bookkeeping, adherence to the designated category of activity for which he is licensed, i.e. not breaching the field of specialisation, etc (Article 6). Also, to be noted is the emphasis on trust and the penalties stipulated if it is breached (Article 8). This is a significant provision as it registers a basic regulatory principle underlying modern systems of protection for the insured’s interest.

We can conclude from reviewing these selected provisions that Delalah/intermediation activity, including insurance intermediation, was known in Iraq in the 1930s if not earlier but was not properly regulated and thus required legislative intervention in the form of the 1935 law and the orders derived from it.

We are not able to determine the source of this law. It may well be the case that it was based on an English model. But this is only a guess and needs proper investigation.

It is useful to note that this law, under Article 15, repealed the Ottoman Dallaleen and Brokers Order dated 26-7-1304 [20 April 1889] and its Supplement dated 25-8-1306 [26 April 1889]. The word Brokers here is a literal translation of the word Simsareen.[2] Unfortunately, we were not able to trace this Order and its Supplement, dating back to the nineteenth century, to compare it with the 1935 law. We are not sure if insurance and insurance brokerage were covered by them.

It is not enough to write history, and we do not claim to be doing so, by speculating and relying on legal texts alone. It is true that laws reflect existing conditions necessitating regulation and influencing the direction of business development, but that does not absolve us from researching the facts relevant to these conditions and the practices associated with them. We view these legal texts as indicators that shed some light on existing conditions, and pave the way for professionalisation of non-codified traditional practices in certain areas.

We concede that professionalism does not always arise by the force of law as the history of some professions in the West in particular witness Professionalisation, through defining terms of entry, for example, developed from within the professions themselves. The promulgation of the Dallaleen Law points to the emergence of specialised activities in the service sector. One is inclined to the view that legislative intervention in regulating business activities contributes to shaping or re-shaping of existing practices. And this is why this particular piece of legislation, like others, is so significant.

However, despite the legal framework for regulating intermediation and as far as insurance is concerned, intermediation did not develop for reasons that need to be investigated. The activity, in its evolution in the 1950s and 1960s, was reduced to the work of agents who were tied to insurance companies that survives to this day but without much weight.[3]

The 1935 Law, however, survived for over four decades until it was repealed by the Delalah Law Number 58 of 1987. Significantly, article 2 of the new law defined four categories of intermediaries: estate agency, buying, selling and leasing vehicles, auctioneering and buying and selling agricultural and industrial products and other properties. Insurance intermediation was not included among them. By now, insurance intermediation has lost all legal recognition.

One wonders if the chambers of commerce in Baghdad, Basra and Mosul kept records. If records do exist, they would be of great value to economic historians in estimating the number of intermediaries, their specialist activities, identities, revenues, etc.

If our analysis were correct, then Law of Dallaleen No. 64 of 1935 would be the first of its kind in regulating insurance broking business in Iraq. But this has to be qualified by virtue of the existence of previous regulations: Dallaleen and Brokers Order dated 26-7-1304 [20 April 1889] and its Supplement dated 25-8-1306 [26 April 1889]. The word “Brokers” in the title of the order (plural: simsareen, singular: simsar) here might not necessarily stand for “insurance brokers.” This of course needs further investigation.

We hope that colleagues concerned with the history of insurance in Iraq, and generally with Iraq’s economic history, will follow-up this and other related topics.

London July 2010
English Translation of the
Dallaleen Law No. 64 of 1935

The Arabic text of this law can be read by using this link:

http://www.iraq-ild.org/LoadLawBook.aspx?SC=260920059254324

_________________________________

We the King of Iraq
With the agreement of the Senate and the House of Representatives ordered the promulgation of the following law:

Article 1
The following words and expressions have the meanings set opposite thereto:

Intermediation (Delilah) – al-Wassatah [intermediation, brokerage] for concluding contracts or facilitating civil or commercial transactions concerning movable and immovable property, bonds and [insurance] policies and banknotes of different types and other branches deriving from such transactions.

Intermediary (Dallal) – he who has taken on intermediation as a profession."

Chamber of Commerce - Chamber of Commerce in the region where the Dallal practices his regular work.

Article 2
The Dallal must meet the following conditions:

A – must not be less than twenty-one year of age and have Iraqi nationality.

B - Not to have been convicted of a felony or misdemeanour involving moral turpitude unless he has regained the rights denied to him (sic) [i.e. unless the conviction was spent].

C – Not made bankrupt unless he has restored his solvency.

D - Known for his integrity and good conduct.

E – Competent in reading and writing in Arabic or employs a person with such competence.

Article 3
The Dallal who meets the conditions set forth in Article 2 must register with the Chamber of Commerce and renew the registration annually and has a certificate evidencing his registration containing his photograph and the categories of Delalah for which he is licensed to practice.

Article 4
A – The Dallallon [plural of Dallal] are classified by the Chamber of Commerce into five categories and the Dallal can object to [his] classification by the Chamber within one year.

B – The Dallal pays an annual registration fee to be set by a directive.

C - Part of the year is considered [a full] year for the purpose of registration.

Article 5
A Dallal registered with the Chamber of Commerce is permitted to practice his business throughout Iraq.

Article 6
The Dallal must comply with the following obligations:

(Class Three or lower Dallals are exempt from all or some of these obligations based on a special directive.)

A - Maintain a register with numbered pages the first and last pages of which to be stamped and approved by the Chamber of Commerce without charge according to the form approved by the Chamber of Commerce after approval by the Minister of Finance. Transactions are to be entered in Arabic by using ink or copying pencil.

B - Enter all transactions brokered in the logbook daily with their details and the result gained by such transaction.‏

C - Avoid erasing and deletion or tearing of a page from the contents of the logbook.

D - Does not leave a space between lines or more than the usual space between one transaction and another.

E - Does not leave a blank page between the pages in which transactions have been entered.

F - Keep logbooks that are full, for a period of not less than ten years from the entry date of the last transaction.

G - Presents the license to a court of law when the court so decides.

H - Presents the license, on demand, to the relevant departments upon their request.

I - Submits to the Chamber of Commerce a statement in writing if he wishes to leave the profession within a year.

Article 7
A – a person who engages in Delalah in professions that by law are not to be the subject of Delalah, or practises Delalah without registering with the Chamber of Commerce shall be penalised by a court of law initially by a fine not exceeding forty dinars, and when the same [offence] is repeated by a fine not exceeding sixty dinars, or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding three months.

B – A person who continues to engage in Delalah after the end of the license year and before the renewal of the license or before payment of the fee shall be penalised initially by a fine not exceeding twenty dinars and on recurrence by a fine not exceeding forty dinars, or by imprisonment for a term not exceeding one month.

C – The Dallal who violates one of the obligations mentioned in Article 4 shall be penalised by the court initially by a fine not exceeding five dinars and on recurrence by a fine not exceeding ten dinars.

D – The Chamber of Commerce, at the request of the Minister of Finance or the stakeholders, bars the Dallal from doing business for a period not exceeding one year if he has neglected one of the obligations in Article 6 and that in addition to the sentence imposed by the court.

Article 8
The name of the Dallal will be permanently removed from the register of the Chamber of Commerce if he has been in breach of trust or has damaged the interests of those for whom he has acted as a broker or used deception and cheating in his dealings, after he is proven guilty in court and [the verdict] publicised in the press.

Article 9
The testimony of a Dallal who has engaged in Delalah without a licence does not count in court in respect of the transactions that he has brokered.

Article 10
It is not permissible for the Dallal to conduct business for his own account, and if in breach will be punished in accordance with paragraph B of Article VII.

Article 11
It is not permissible for government departments or municipalities to use a Dallal who is not registered with the Chamber of Commerce.

Article 12
The Dallal collects a fee not exceeding the ratios specified by a special directive.

Article 13
This law also applies to the Dallal who works for a sole trader or company or more than one company.

Article 14
The provisions of this law apply in areas, designated by a special bylaw, that have chambers of commerce.

Article 15
The Dallaleen and Simsareen Order dated 26-7-1304 and its Supplement dated 25-8-1306 is repealed.

Article 16
This Law shall become effective on 1 April 1936.

Article 17
The Minister of Finance and [the Minister of] Justice shall implement this law.

Written in Baghdad on the twelfth day of the month of Ramadan in the year 1354 and the eighth day of the month of December 1935.

Ghazi
Rasheed Ali, Deputy Minister of Justice
Raouf Al-Bahrani, Finance Minster
Yaseen Al-Hashimi, Prime Minister

Published in the Official Gazette number 1479 on 23-12-1935.

NOTES
* The present paper is an extensively revised and expanded version of the original Arabic that I have posted to the Iraq Insurance Review blog. I wrote this and other isolated article to remind the reader that knowledge of the past is important not only to preserve memory of the past but also to stress that accumulation is a pre-condition for progress. The ideology of ‘destroy and rebuild’ has placed a heavy toll on the advancement of Iraq.

[1] The bolisat, the plural form of bolisah, can be translated as “policies” plural of “policy” as in insurance policy. It seems that the word "bolisat" (plural) and "bolisah" (singular) was commonly used at that time as the word "Bolesat" is mentioned in the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936 in conjunction with word "sukkook” (instruments, documents) as follows:

“Article 3”

1. The Minister of Finance must suspend the license ….. or cancel the license in each of the following circumstances:

A - If the [insurance] company or its agent violated the provisions of Law No. 74 of the year (1936) in any way.

B - if it is conclusively proven that one of the sukkook-holders (sic.) [policyholders] bolesat al-Tameen [insurance policies] in Iraq has made a claim against the insurance company, which is not contested, and the company or its agent neglected the claim for ninety days or if the agent or the company declined the implementation of a peremptory judgement.” [Emphasis added]

Here we see the use of the Arabic word “sukkook" (plural of “sukk") and the foreign word "bolesat [policies] of insurance" as synonymous.

The word "sukk" is used in common parlance in Iraq as equivalent to the words "cheque" (bank cheque) and "document" as in the expression “sukk al-Entidab" (the Mandate Document or Instrument."

But the word “Bolisah” is also common in shipping as in Bolisat al-Shahan (Bill of Lading).

Based on the above the word Bolisat under Article 1 of the Dallaleen Law of 1935 does not, strictly speaking, stand for insurance policy. This linguistic digression is meant to show that idiomatic use of words was not rigorously applied.

[2] For an extended comment on word simsareen (plural of simsar: middleman, broker, intermediary), readers of Arabic can refer to my article “Concerning Intermediation and Insurance Intermediation in Iraq," Iraq Insurance Review, http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2008/09/blog-post.html

[3] Misbah Kamal, Munther Al-Aswad & Fouad Shamkar, “Insurance Agencies in Iraq: a preliminary attempt at stimulating research” (in Arabic), Iraq Insurance Review, January 2010, http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2010/01/1.html.

Mohammed Al-Kubaisi, “Insurance Agencies: an approach to understanding insurance service,” (in Arabic) Iraq Insurance Review, January 2010, http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2010/01/blog-post.html

learnt the principles of insurance in Baghdad when he started working for the National Insurance Company (1968). He holds first and postgraduate degrees from British universities (1967 & 1978). At present, he works for a London-based international insurance broking house. He has co-authored Arabic translations of insurance books and contributed to compiling an English-Arabic insurance dictionary. Kamal manages the Iraq Insurance Review blog http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/ and is part of the Iraq History group's translators' team.

The History of Arabs in IRAQ

2010-07-14T14:35:00.000-07:00

The History of Arabs in IRAQ

Wafaa' Al-Natheema

The history of Arabs in Iraq can be traced back to ancient Mesopotamia. Arabs were mentioned in Assyrian manuscripts. They were known to be talented singers and musicians. In “Ancient and Oriental Music” book edited by Egon Wellesz, chapter V, page 236, “The Music of Ancient Mesopotamia”, Henry George Farmer states, “…It has been said that ‘the old danced whilst the young made music. One imagines that there were toil songs among the ancient Semites, as we know in the ‘well song’ of Numbers xxi.17. Singers and drummers, in a picture of Assyrians felling palm-trees, certainly appear to be facilitating labour. Indeed an Assyrian annalist gives a picture of the Arabs who, as prisoners of war, were working as slaves at Nineveh, where they sang their native songs to relieve their sorrows. Their exotic music fascinated the idle Assyrians who begged for more.”

The earliest mention of the term ‘Arab’ was recorded during the reign of the Assyrian King, Salmanassar III (858-824 BCE) when Assyrians were at war near Al-Asi River, north of Homa in Syria. The war was between the Assyrian army on one side and the Arameans, Phoenicians and Arabs on another; all backing the king of Damascus. The war ended in favor of the Assyrian King who wrote: “Qarqar is the capital; I burnt and destroyed it: 1200 Knights, 20,000 soldiers and 1000 camels for the Arab Jandibo….”

During the Assyrian king, Tiglat Pilesar III (745-727 BCE), who was mentioned in the Torah, Arabian queen, Zabiba, was recorded as follows: “…and so the Aribi [meaning Arabian] queen, Zabiba paid taxes …” to the Assyrian king Pilesar III. In his reign, there was also a mention of another Arabian queen, Sams, Shams or Shamsa.

Arabs were also mentioned during King Sargon II (721-705 BCE). He was quoted as saying, “The distant Arabs who live in the Badiya [or Peninsula] don’t have a king or ruler and they never paid taxes to any king before me.”

In documenting the war against Babylonians, Assyrian King, Sencharib (705-681 BCE) stated that, “he took soldiers of an Arabian army, led by Basqanu, as prisoners”. Basqanu was the brother of Arabian queen Yatie. In 691 BCE, Sencharib also mentioned that he went to war against another Arabian queen, Talkhono, and later against the Arab King, Khazayli.

The term ‘Arab’ was recorded in Assyrian manuscripts as Aribi, Arbi, Arabi or Urbi. Arabs were also mentioned numerous times in the Torah as well as ancient Persian, Greek and Roman manuscripts.

Therefore, the statements indicating that Arab history began with Islam and in the Arabian Peninsula are far from the truth. In ancient times, and depending on who was in power and were they lived, Arabs spoke their native language, Arabic, and the languages of the region, Aramaic and Hebrew; all Semitic languages. There is absolutely no evidence whatsoever as to which of the Semitic languages appeared or was spoken first. One thing is certain: Only Arabic (of all Semitic languages) is still used today in its original form (more than one and half thousand years) in books, newspapers, TV/radio, films, the UN and religious mosques and institutions with the largest number of speakers (among other speakers of Semitic languages).

Jaroslav Stetkevych, an emeritus professor of Arabic at the University of Chicago, described Arabic language as follows: “It has lived for one millennium and a half essentially unchanged, usually gaining, never completely losing. Venus-like, it was born in a perfect state of beauty, and it has preserved that beauty in spite of all the hazards of history and all the corrosive forces of time. It is true that there was not always that Praxitelean limpidity of line about it. Figuratively speaking, it has known its Gothic, its Renaissance and its Baroque periods. It has known austerity, holy ecstasy and voluptuousness, bloom and decadence. It exuberated in times of splendor and persisted through times of adversity in a state of near-hibernation. But when it awoke again, it was the same language. The fact that Arabic long survived and still had the vitality to burgeon a new might be due to religious and social factors, but the quantitative ability to expand and the qualitative capacity to attain perfection and to maintain its essential characteristics are merits of the language exclusively."

Ancient Arabs followed paganism and practiced Judaism, Christianity and later Islam. At the present time, Christian Arabs live in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Palestine and Egypt. Their history is parallel to that of Christianity in the “Middle East”

In the 20th Century and with the European and later Euro-American colonization, the terms ‘Arab Jew’ or ‘Jewish Arab’ became a matter of debate to the extent of rejecting these terms by Ashkenazi Jews (mostly eastern European converts to Judaism), Zionists and pro-Zionists in the industrial west. With this rejection along with discrimination against Jewish Arabs (especially in Israel) and the mistreatment of Arabs in general by the industrial west and Israel, the history and contributions of Arabs in general and Jewish Arabs in particular have been marginalized. The cultural identity and contributions of Jewish Arabs became near extinct.

The interference of Ashkenazi Jews, implementers and funders of Zionism, in the lives of Jewish Arabs has been mentioned in depth by Naem Giladi and Ella Shohat, Iraqi Jews. In his book, “Ben Gurion’s Scandals,” Giladi mentions in details how the Zionists used terror to force Iraqi Jews to leave Iraq for Israel and used as cheap labor. The book mentions handful other crimes to ensure that the Israel project becomes a success. In a publication by the Link, in 1998, Giladi was quoted stating, “I write this article for the same reason I wrote my book: to tell the American people, and especially American Jews ,that Jews from Islamic lands did not emigrate willingly to Israel; that, to force them to leave, Jews killed Jews; and that, to buy time to confiscate ever more Arab lands, Jews on numerous occasions rejected genuine peace initiatives from their Arab neighbors.… I write about it because I was part of it.”

In my documentary film, “The Other Arabs”, I interviewed Naem Giladi and ten other Iraqi Jews about their lives (in Iraq and later in the USA, UK or Israel) and contributions. With the exception of four, seven were born and raised in Iraq, two of them still live in Israel, and I was able to interview them when they were visiting their son in New York. In one of the (two) trailers posted on Youtube and the website of the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS), Naem Giladi states (translated from Arabic): “Iraqi Jews refused to leave Iraq. As a result, the Zionists began to use explosives near several Jewish buildings concluding with Masouda Shemtov Synagogue. The type of bombs used was the same as those stored in temples by Zionists. One of the components used in the bombs was not available in Iraq. It was brought from Israel by Zionists to use in Baghdad.”

Sources:

1. “Ancient and Oriental Music,” edited by Egon Wellesz, Oxford University Press.

2. “The Link,” Volume 31, Issue 2, April-May 1998.

3. “Tareekh al-Musiqa al-Arabiyah” by Subhi Anwar Rashid, Bavaria Institute, 2000.

The Beginnings of Insurance Regulations in IRAQ

2010-04-10T08:06:00.000-07:00

THE BEGINNINGS OF INSURANCE AND REGULATION OF INSURANCE ACTIVITY IN IRAQ – AN OVERVIEW

Misbah Kamal

The Arabic version of this study was published in Al-Thakafa Al-Jadida, Baghdad, No. 331, 2009, p. 44-52

Secondary sources are not sufficient for the writing of history. Historical research requires searching for information and data from original sources. Because of the lack of such sources, we have based the writing of this paper on published material as a first attempt to present a brief outline of early insurance activity in Iraq.

This paper requires critical review by those interested in the history of insurance in Iraq, especially those who have or can access the sources.

It is not correct to say, as a matter of national pride, that insurance activity in Iraq is very old going back to the Code of Hammurabi and other ancient laws of Iraq as though the institution of insurance, in its modern form, was known in ancient times. Yet we can trace some aspects of transferring the burden of loss and compensation in old practices that these laws were enacted to regulate. Other people had also similar practices in their past. These practices come close to the insurance mechanism in mitigating the consequences of bodily injury and material damages to property as evidenced by tribal funds and other types of social solidarity like disbursement of zakat funds, charity and caring for parents. These and other forms of mutual assistance constituted a form of protection in the absence of social welfare and security provided by the modern state. [1]

This ancient heritage did not translate itself in practices leading towards the formation of even a rudimentary institution of insurance. That heritage itself was not discovered until the twentieth century after the spread of insurance as a protection institution against risks that are inherent in human life and in collective activities. There is in fact a lack of continuity and an intellectual break with the past, which means that we were not able to take advantage of old secular and religious laws in the promotion of insurance and appreciate its importance in contemporary life. Thus, Iraq has not experienced insurance activity based on mutuality[2] - the oldest type of insurance witnessed in the ancient world - and even the tribal fund[3], which is a form of primitive mutuality was not institutionalized.

With the change of social structure (the emergence of a middle class, population growth, social mobility based on the growth and expansion of cities and building new roads, etc.) and the gradual decline of tribal affiliation [4] and increasing migration from rural areas to cities the tribal fund lost its importance and was replaced by social security. Because the tribal fund is based on social custom and is not written there are no records that can throw light on the role that it has played.

Insurance activity in its modern form in Iraq did not arise because of a local economic or social need for the protection of individuals and physical assets against perils of nature and risks inherent in trade and industry, as was the case in other countries such as Britain and other Western countries. Insurance entered Iraq, as in Arab countries, through the establishment of agencies for Western insurance companies.

The foreign insurance agencies in Iraq and the Arab countries were mainly associated with foreign trade of the European metropolis, and these agencies were the primary form taken by insurance activity in the Arab countries under Ottoman rule. Marine insurance of goods was the most important type of insurance transacted by the foreign agencies but there was no shortage of insurance against the hazards of fire. This type of insurance was associated with financial institutions, such as banks, providing loans for trade financing and issuing letters of credit and requiring the borrower to provide insurance as a security.

The expansion of the insurance industry outside of Britain, for example, was linked to the spreading of British trading companies in the world, and expansion of insurance took the form of establishing agencies and branches. [5]

An academic historian of The Sun Insurance Office, founded in 1710, states that

“One of the Sun’s first non-European markets was in the Near East, where the Crimean War [1853-1856] had turned the attention of British capitalists to what The Times called ten years later, ‘the productive wealth and commercial importance of Western Asia Minor. The first indication of the concern of British business interests with this region was the concession granted in September 1856 by the Sultan to Sir Joseph Paxton and his partners to construct a railway from Smyrna, justly described as ‘the Liverpool of the Levant’ to Aydin, 80 miles inland.”

This was followed by the establishment of the Imperial Ottoman Bank and later the establishment of two insurance agencies in 1863 by the Royal of Liverpool and the Sun Fire Office.

The writer goes on to mention the difficulties and the efforts by these two agencies to overcome the “religious prejudice (was it right to guard against disasters decreed by God?), commercial conservatism, inadequate fire-fighting methods, low standards of morality, and dangerous methods of building and manufacturing.” [6]

The writer also mentions that in 1867 the Sun appointed an agent in Istanbul. In the early 1880s, agencies were established in Cyprus, Beirut, Alexandria and Port Said. Mosul or Baghdad or Basra were not part of this expansion until later in the twentieth century. [7]

We did not trace the history of the expansion of British insurers to Iraq and we hope that it can be researched when sources become available. What we have shown is the tendency of British capitalism to expand abroad, including Iraq, especially after its occupation in 1917. Thus, we find that the first entry for British companies to Iraq was in the wake of the occupation.

If the experience of insurance companies in other Arab countries, Egypt for example, can be used as a guideline, one can presume that insurance against the risks of fire and life insurance was also known in Iraq.

"Insurance and assurance in the Arab World were latecomers, as their first appearance in any Middle East country occurred after the invasion and occupation of Egypt by British forces in 1882. The first class of business was life assurance. It was a small British office founded in 1845 that moved into Cairo as part of its move into countries outside the UK. This took place in the mid-1880s." [8]

When the Insurance Companies Act of 1936 was enacted, it confirmed the presence of life insurance, as we shall describe later.

There was no national insurance company in Iraq when Faisal son of Sharif Hussein was crowned king of Iraq on 23 August 1921, the event that marked the establishment of an independent political entity by the name of Iraq under British tutelage,. Even before the First World War (1914-1918) insurance activity, in its commercial institutional form, was not known in Iraq. Bassim Faris in his encyclopaedic book on insurance in the Arab countries presumes that the introduction of insurance to Iraq, in its Western form, was at the end of 1922 after the signing of the Anglo-Iraqi agreement in October of that year. The assumption is that the great British trading houses were tracking the expansion of the British Crown in the world. [9] This assumption is true in many cases (but there are exceptions with regard to the expansion of British insurers companies in some European countries and the United States which were not under British occupation or colonies belonging to the British Crown during the period of expansion of insurance outside Britain). But other sources indicate the validity of this date as two British companies, the Provincial Insurance Company and the Guardian Assurance Company, began work in Iraq in 1920. [10]

The 1920s witnessed rapid and important changes represented by the formation of various state institutions, including educational and financial institutions, and population increase, especially in Baghdad. A tendency appeared in this period to expand the scope of private property and wealth accumulation through the expansion of Iraq’s links with the world markets. But these and other changes did not translate in this period by the rise of an Iraqi insurance company. A quarter of a century will elapse before such a company is established.

There is a reference in one of the tables in Hanna Batatu’s The Old Social Classes and New Revolutionary Movements of Iraq, to three foreign insurance companies in the year 1928-1929. Based on English reports, all important insurance business in 1936 was controlled by British insurance companies. [11]

We do not have information on the laws regulating insurance activity in this period and it appears that the first Iraqi law in this regard was issued in 1936. Before then insurance in Iraq was regulated under the Ottoman Commercial Law of 9 August 1904 (21 Jumādā al-Ālthani 1323) and its Supplement the Insurance Act (Sigorta). The Sigorta was composed of 25 articles. This commercial law was influenced by European commercial codes. Thus, insurance activity at that time was subject to the Ottoman Law of Insurance Companies, al-Sigorta (this is indeed how the supplement on the reasons for issuing the Law of Insurance Companies and Agents No. 49 of 1960 refers to it).

On 1st April 1936 the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936 was issued during the second ministry of Yassin al-Hashemi (1894-1937), which did not last long (1935 to 1936), as it was ousted by Bakr Sidqi (1886-1937) in a military coup (26 October 1936), the first coup in the history of modern Iraq and in the Arab world.

This short law (no longer valid, replaced by subsequent legislation) consists of 13 articles. It is perhaps the first serious attempt to supervise the operation of local and foreign insurance activity. We first note in this law its focus on what it calls "human life" as it draws a distinction between life insurance, instalment insurance and guarantee of capital, although the so-called insurance by premiums is a form of life insurance. Article 1 in this regard reads:

"The meaning attached in this Act to the terms [below] shall be:

Life insurance is commercial business whereby contracts are made to insure the lives of human beings, including any contract to pay a sum of money at death or the occurrence of a happening related to human life as well as any contract to pay the insured persons an amount of money for a period depending on human life and

Instalment Insurance is commercial business by means of which contracts of insurance are made to pay the insured persons instalments of fixed sums depending on human life.

Capital Guarantee is commercial business by means of which contracts of insurance are made to pay in the future to the insured persons an amount or several amounts in consideration of one or several payments that they have made to the insurance company, excluding life insurance and instalment insurance mentioned above." [12] [Emphasis by author]

We infer from this text that these types of insurance policies were known at the time, but we do not know the names of companies that were underwriting them and the social groups that purchased them and the level of the insured amounts. We also do not know the number of Iraqis who were holders of such policies.

Other types of insurance, such as fire and marine insurance are not identified in this law except that article 2 refers to "other insurance" as follows:

"A company that transacts any type of insurance business Sigorta [13] in Iraq, whether it has an office in Iraq or is represented by an agent or [and] deposits in its name at a bank designated by the Minister of Finance:

1 - a sum of money, not less than 10,000 Dinars for life insurance or for instalment insurance or capital redemption or as a whole.

2 - a sum of money, not less than 5,000 Dinars for other insurance business."

It appears from the text that the companies referred to in the law are non-Iraqi companies ("whether it [the insurance company] has an office in Iraq or is represented by an agent") since at that time no insurance company with Iraqi capital was incorporated.

Other insurance business was defined under the Act Amending the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936 (Al-Waqa'i Al-Iraqiya, Iraqi Official Gazette, Issue 1896, 4/7/1941), where under Article 1 of the Amendment Act it was stated:

"Article 1
The following paragraph is added to the first article of the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936:

Other forms of insurance are contracts to insure against fire, accidents, accidents at work and injuries arising therefrom, loss or destruction or damage or burglary, land, sea and air transport, and dishonesty and all risks and accidents that are not expressly stated in this act."

Perhaps this law was the first in Iraq to provide for the financial solvency of insurance companies as Article 6 states that companies "at least once every three years, investigate [audit] their finances, including the assessment of debts and assets, by an accountant specialising in insurance business ..." Perhaps by a specialist accountant is meant an actuary or a chartered accountant. We may be wrong in this regard since Iraq has not had a full-time actuary working for an insurance company.

Moreover, this law may also have been the first Iraqi legislation regulating the operation of foreign insurance companies. Article 7 in this regard states:

"No foreign company is permitted to transact in Iraq life insurance business or instalment insurance or guaranteeing capital unless it has a subscribed capital equivalent to at least one hundred thousand dinars."

This article was slightly modified under the Act Amending the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936:

"Article 5
The provisions of Article 7 of the said Act is cancelled and replaced by the following:

It is not permissible for a foreign company in Iraq to transact any type of insurance provided for in the first article of this act unless it confirms that it has a paid up capital equivalent to at least one hundred thousand dinars."

The focus of the amendment was to replace the subscribed capital (authorized capital subscribed by the shareholders in the company) with a paid-up capital (amounts paid by the shareholders for their subscribed share). The emphasis on the paid-up capital is a matter of ensuring that the insurance company is financially solvent to operate and meet its liabilities.

After the enactment of the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936, the Licensing of Insurance Companies’ Agents Order No. 25 of 1936 (the Iraqi Official Gazette, Issue 1522, 6/18/1936) was issued. This order included five articles:

"Article 1
The license provided for under Article 8 of the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936 to engage in agency for an insurance company must meet the following conditions:

1 - The agent must have an agency conferring on him a legal status...

2 - The Agent must:

A - be 21 years old
B - is not convicted of a felony or misdemeanour involving moral turpitude.
C - is not bankrupt unless rehabilitated.
D - known for his integrity and good conduct.
E - registered with the Chamber of Commerce.

This order was amended by the Order Amending the Licensing of Insurance Companies’ Agents No. 25 of 1936 (Iraqi Official Gazette, 30 May 1938). The focus of the amendment was paragraph 2 of Article 1, which cancelled paragraph 2 of Article 1 and replaced it by the following paragraph:

"2 - the agent must be:

A – a juridical person whose juridical personality is admitted under Iraqi laws in force and registered with the Chamber of Commerce.

B - a natural person, 21 years of age, known for his integrity and good conduct and not convicted of a felony or a misdemeanour involving moral turpitude or bankruptcy unless rehabilitated and is registered with the Chamber of Commerce."

The importance of this amendment lies in the recognition of the insurance agent as a juridical person in addition to the agent as a natural person. This indicates either a development in transacting insurance business within a two-year period or the legislator paying attention to a shortcoming in the order regulating the licensing system of insurance companies’ agents.

Article 3 of the Licensing of Insurance Companies’ Agents Order No. 25 of 1936 defined the conditions for suspending the license of the insurance company or agent:

"Article 3
1. the Minister of Finance shall suspend the license granted under the first article of this Order for a period not exceeding six months or cancel the license in the following circumstances:

A - If the company or its agent violated in any way the provisions of law No. 74 of 1936.

B - if it is conclusively proven that one of the policyholders insurance in Iraq has submitted an undisputed claim against the insurance company and the company or its agent neglected it for a period of ninety days or if the agent or the company declined the implementation of a peremptory judgement.

C - If the company's financial position falls requiring increasing the guarantee or the value of bonds used in lieu of a guarantee falls and the company or its declined to effect the increase.

2. The Minister of Finance shall reinstate the license if the provisions of the law mentioned above are implemented within sixty days from the date of suspension or revocation [of the license].

3. The license is nullified if the agent does not meet one of the conditions set forth in the first article of this order."

We note that the suspension of the license is based on three conditions (violation of the provisions of the Insurance Companies Act No. 74 of 1936, ignoring the rights of policyholders and decline in the financial position of the insurance company requiring increase in the security guarantee). These conditions are intended to protect the rights of the insured except that the text, as it is, does not elaborate with respect to recovery of such rights from the insurance company breaching the provisions of the law. Moreover, the text does not mention the imposition of a fine on the company in breach of the law.

Thus began the early regulation of insurance activity in Iraq. The subject deserves further research.

London March 2010

[1] Misbah Kamal, “The Position of the Hammurabi Code in the History of Insurance,” written as an introduction to my Arabic translation of pages from the chapter The Early History of Insurance in Irving Pfeffer & David R Klock, Perspectives on Insurance (Englewood Cliff, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc, 1974) pp 4-6, posted to the blog Iraq Insurance Review http://misbahkamal.blogspot.com/2008_07_01_archive.html

[2] C. F. Trenerry, The Origin and Early History of Insurance (London: P. S. King & Son, 1926).
[3] The tribal fund is a form of limited social solidarity, financed by individuals, each according to his ability and not on the basis of defined rules. The fund is managed by a trusted person with integrity and he may be the imam of the mosque or the tribal sheikh or an elderly person known for his rectitude. Such trustee of the fund disburses the accumulated contributions in the fund to compensate those afflicted with loss or damage. The awona (relief) is a form of spontaneous social assistance to ward off the aftermath of damages sustained by other.

It would not be out of place to mention here another traditional institution relating to dispute resolution: tribal administration of justice. This is made up of unwritten ‘laws’ and customs in use by members of the tribe to organise their life and settle their differences by resorting to the judgement of the tribal judge. The judge is a member of the tribe distinguished by his knowledge of tribal laws, traditions and customs and his high moral standing and reputation. The judge may be the sheikh of the tribe or other member of the tribe who has the attributes expected for the role. The system includes procedures represented by jaha (a group of people commissioned by one person or more to intercede or mediate in resolving a problem); attwa (a truce between to adversaries, the truce being granted by the aggrieved, victim’s, family for such period as they deem fit) and qahwa arabiya (drinking Arabic coffee, a symbol signifying the termination of disagreements).

qahwa arabiya is known in Egypt as ga’dat al-arab, to be found in rural and Bedouin communities, which is equivalent to a customary court, resorted to end disputes over killing among important families. Alhayat newspaper, 8 September 1999.

[4] In order to maintain control over the reign of power, in the wake of the fracture of the institution of the family, the regime started to stoke tribal affiliation which has become after the US occupation and in conjunction with sectarianism, an effective instrument for the management of public affairs. cf Zuhair Al-Jazairy, The Despot: the making of a leader, the making of a people (Baghdad & Beirut: Institute of Strategic Studies, 2006), pp 235-245.

The artificial revival of tribal affiliation since 9 April 2003, encouraged by the US Administration, the occupying power, and pursued by a few of the ruling political parties in Iraqis confined to the political and security space.
[5] R L Carter, Economics and Insurance (Stockport: PH Press Ltd, n.d. [1971?], p56.

[6] P G M Dickson, The Sun Fire Office 1710-1960 (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p188.

[7] Dickson, op. cit., p190.

[8] Basim A Faris, Insurance &Reinsurance in the Arab World (London: Kluwer Publishing, 1983), p43.

[9] Faris, op. cit. pp 192-193.

[10] Abdul Zahra Abdullah Ali, Insurance Development in the Arab World (London: Graham & Trotman, 1985) p 2, quoting Swiss Reinsurance Company, Insurance Markets of the World (Zurich: Swiss Re Publications, 1964).

[11] Hanna Batatu, The Old Social Classes and New Revolutionary Movements of Iraq, (London, al-
[12] The original Arabic does not read well as it appears to be a translation from an English text. The provisions of the law cannot be easily matched with the common types of life insurance policies. These policies can be in the form of:

Convertible Life Insurance – a term insurance policy with the option, to be exercised before the expiry of the policy, to convert to Whole Life or Endowment.

Endowment Life Insurance - a fixed term policy with the sum insured payable on death or at the end of the term whichever occurs first.

Industrial Life Assurance – based on collection of weekly or monthly premium to insure life of an individual. It was popular in industrial areas as a means of saving for a future lump sum or protection against industrial accidents, etc. It is now extinct.

Term Life or Temporary Life Insurance – sum insured payable only if death occurs during the policy term.

Whole Life Insurance – sum insured payable only on death.

[This endnote was not in the original Arabic text. I added it when drafting the English text].

[13] The term sigorta is Turkish taken form the Italian sicurta means insurance. There was an Ottoman law with that term in its title – namely, Law of Insurance (Sigorta) issued in 1322 AH. In Iraq, the word is sometimes spelled as sogarah or ssograh. The latter is popularly used in Iraq as equivalent to insurance; it is also used to denote certainty. In the law of 1936, the term “sigorta” appears as explanatory of the preceding terms “insurance business.”Saqi Books, 2000). The table is in page 307 of the Arabic translation of the book (Beirut: Arab Research Establishment).

Abdul Karim Hani - The College of Medicine & Iraqi Jews

2009-12-28T09:00:00.000-08:00

July 14 Remembered

2009-07-14T19:16:00.000-07:00

July 14, 1958

http://historyofiraq.blogspot.com/2006/02/iraqs-kings-leaders-ii-announcements.html

PM Abdul Karim Qassim (left), Khalis Azmi (middle) and the late Naji Al-Aseel (right)

Picture was taken at Babul Muatham on July 14th celebrations, 1962

July 14, 1958 was the date on which the revolution led by the "Free Officers" put an end to the monarchy and established the Republic of Iraq. Since that date, General Abdul Karim Qasim became the Prime Minister until his execution in February 1963.

To read more about the revolution, the free officers and the life, family and leadership of Abdul Karim Qasim, please click here:

In Memory of Those Who Were Murdered . . . .

2009-06-26T16:32:00.000-07:00

June 26/27, 1993

A Forgotten Piece of History

by Wafaa' Al-Natheema

The U.S. military was commanded by Bill Clinton to demolish the headquarters of the Mukhabarat, the Iraqi intelligence services, in central Baghdad. The attack took place on the evening of June 26, 1993 (morning of June 27 in Baghdad). Twenty missiles hit the agency complex while three missed their targets.

Clinton stated that information became available about Iraqi operatives who were behind an assassination attempt on President George Bush I in April 1993 while at a ceremony honoring him in Kuwait. Saddam Hussein was said to have ordered the attempt on Bush’s life. Despite the capturing of those who were to carry out the attack, Clinton felt the urge to retaliate!

"Those arrested were merely drug and alcohol smugglers. In the aftermath of the June 26 missile attack, one-by-one the mythical would-be assassins were released from Kuwaiti jails, but, the U.S. media did not consider this information newsworthy. It was not as exciting as assassination plots and missile attacks." 1

At that time, opponents of Clinton criticized him for his lenient policies for Iraq despite it being a defenceless country suffering from the aftermath of the 1991 war and the harshest economic sanctions ever. Iraq was an easy target to strike and show off strength.

The three missiles that missed their intended target fell on residential houses in Harthiya and Mansour areas of Baghdad killing eight civilians unrelated to the Intelligence headquarters. Unfortunately, the name of only six of the victims are available to me and are acknowledged here with the hope that the two additional names will be provided by the help of truth-seeking individuals.

Among the murdered were two members from the Al-Qaisy family, three from the family of Jreidan-Attar and one guard by the name of Khalid (unknown last name) from the Sabaawi residence, which was referred to as the Chinese house due to its design.

Renowned artist, Layla Al-Attar, was among the victims; her husband, Abdul Khaliq Jreidan and their care taker, Khadija. In the nearby town of Al-Mansour, another family lost two of its members; the father, Maan M. Abdo Al-Qaysi and his son; Mohammed. M. A. Al-Qaysi.

Ms. Al-Attar was the director of the Iraqi National Art Museum and was very active in the international art scene of Iraq. Due to a rumor from an unknown source, some Iraqis have speculated that the killing of Al-Attar's family was on purpose because the late Layla was the one who made the portrayal of George Bush I on the floor of Al-Rashid Hotel. However this is not true. The portrayal, which was made of ceramics, was the work of another artist. Ms. Al-Attar's art neither included ceramics nor portrayals.

Several testimonies by those who have met her indicated that she was steadfast, talented, elegant, organized and shrewed. Iraq has certainly lost one of its greatest artists.

In Memory of Those Who Were Murdered, We Dedicate This Humble Memorial

They are in our thoughts

Al-Qaisy Family

Maan M. A. Al-Qaisy (father)

Mohammed M. A. Al-Qaisy (son)

Attar-Jreidan Family

Adbul Khaliq A. Jreidan (husband)

Layla Al-Attar (wife)

Khadija (care taker)

Sabaawi House

Khalid . . . (guard)

And Two Unknown Civilians . . .

*******

More Memorials & Testimonies:

June 24-27 2009
1. Jeff Archer http://malcomlagauche.com/id1.html (with Layla's photo)
2. Dr. Balsam A. Hani http://zennobia.blogspot.com/2009/06/2627.html (Arabic)

In Previous Years

1. Rick Giombetti http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article2358.htm (details)
2. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j8rLpXVZZWs&feature=related (song)
3. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AgF914EHmeg&feature=related (narration)
4. http://www.ittijahat.com/4th_issue/layla_alattar.htm (Arabic)

We Acknowledge All Who Provided Information and/or documented the tragedy with Appreciation

Dr. Balsam A. Hani
Maysaloun Faraj
Jeff Archer
Rima A. A. Jreidan (L. Al-Attar's daughter)
Aseel Dyke

(c) copyright Wafaa' Al-Natheema 2009

Moslem Polymaths of IRAQ in Wikipedia

2009-03-25T17:53:00.000-07:00

The following Medieval Scholars were either born, have lived most of their lives or have studied in IRAQ.

They were all Moslems and all, but one (Ar-Rumi) have published their work in Arabic. Al-Biruni published his books in Arabic and Persian.

The points below reflects the errors and misconceptions committed in WIkipedia about these scholars:

1. Both Al-Farabi (alpharabius) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina (Avicenna) http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avicenna are presented as Persians. In the case of al-Farabi, Wikipedia enlisted two subtitles; one on his Persian origin backed supposedly by "historic sources" without using the term 'claim,' and the other introduced his Turkic origin as a claim to denote its unreliability. Under the paragraph “Persian Origin,” it states Al-Farabi’s “Iranian-speaking Central Asian origin” It is not an Iranian language, but Persian! Addditonally, 'Iran' is a modern reference. Both Al-Farabi and Ibn Sina were born and raised in Central Asia, specifically in today’s Afghanistan/Uzbekistan, little to nothing known about the origin of their parents and both contributed during the Islamic era, yet Wikipedia insists on refering to it incorrectly as “Persian Empire” or “Samanid dynasty” and categorizing these scientists as PERSIANS.

Even though al-Farabi lived 40 years in Baghdad with no mention of him ever living or studying in any city in today's Iran, in the list of regional countries (in which he was born and lived) on the right side of the page, Wikipedia completely neglect IRAQ and enlists:

Region: Central Asia, Iran, Egypt and Syria

2. The greatest Moslem chemist of his time Jabir bin Hayan al-Kufi, born and raised in Kufa, South of IRAQ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geber is according to Wikipedia born in Khorasan/ Iran. The Wikipedia page about this great scientist is filled with mention of Persians and Persian language/thesis and Shiites-Umayyad-Abbasid rivalry overshadowing the more important subject of his great inventions. It includes a corrupted and a damaging account in the middle of the page under the subject title of "The Geber Problem." Western writers and so-called historians twist history facts and/or make errors about Arab (and Islamic) history and in return, according to Wikipedia, Arabs have to defend and discuss their history documentation about Jaber, otherwise it is controversial and debatable so we can not take the Jaber character and his contributions for granted! Please read that paragraph carefully.

3. When there are serious discrepancies about the ethnic and regional origin of a Moslem Scholar, the phrases 'Moslem Scholar' or 'Moslem Scientist' are placed above the personal portrait on the right side of the webpage, yet when those are believed to be "definitely known" as Persians, the categorization above the portrait is typed 'Persian Scholar' for distinction. The “portrait for Jabir” has only ‘Scientist’ placed on top of it without ethnicity or even ‘Moslem’ as an adjective!

4. Even though Ibn Al-Haytham http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Haytham was of Arab descent, Wikipedia enlists him as ' Arab and/or Persian' on the right-side index and interestingly does not enlist his sect as normally mentioned about the so-called Persian scholars. It states that Basra city was part of Persia by stating that he was "Born circa 965, near modern-day Basra, part of present-day Iraq, and then part of Buyid Persia,[1] ..........." This reference is unacceptable by nearly all Arab and Moslem scholars because there was no such an area or dynasty as Buyid Persia in the 10 and 11 centuries.

5. Al-Bayrooni or Al-Biruni http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Biruni has been documented as Persian even though the origin of his parents is unknown and that he was born in a city in today's Kazakhstan. It typically mentions his sect (in the right-side list) during a time when there was no such categorization made. The interesting discrepancy is that even though it states in this Al-Biruni page, under the “Biography” section that Khawarizm was “then part of the Abbasid Empire,” Wikipedia does not label him an Arab. But when the polymaths were said to have been born in a city under “the Persian Empire,” they are automatically labeled as Persians. See the commentary about al-Khawarzmi below.

6. Jalalu~Ddine Mohammed bin Mohammed Ar-Rumi or Rumi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jalal_ad-Din_Muhammad_Rumi (the famous Sufi scholar) was born in Balkh, today's Afghanistan. His father was Arab and his mother was Persian, yet he is documented in this Wikipedia link as Persian only eliminating his Arab ancestry. His father’s name was Mohammed Ibnul Hussein al-Khatibi, and was a well-respected religious scholar. Wikipedia states that Balkh (during Rumi's time) was part of the Persian Empire! Yet again during Rumi's time there was no Persian Empire, it was an Islamic era /dynasty.

7. Ibn Zakariya Ar-Razi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_ibn_ZakarÄ«ya_RÄzi is again labeled Persian just because his family's name is said to mean 'from the city of Rayy' (if this is truly what it means) Wikipedia states that;

"In Persian, Razi means "from the city of Rayy (also spelled Ray, Rey, or Rai, old Persian Ragha, Latin Rhagae -formerly one of the great cities of the World)", an ancient town on the southern slopes of the Elburz Range that skirts the south of the Caspian Sea, situated near Tehran, Iran. In this city (like Avicenna) he accomplished most of his work.[9 "

8. Al-Hasan al-Basri who was born in Medina in today's Saudi Arabia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hasan_al-Basri is also categorized as Persian indicating that his parents were Persians. Interesting enough that he is the only polymath in Wikipedia, that despite being so-called Persian, the index on the right of the page (which normally has a personal portrait) does not have the title “Persian Scholar,” instead it is “Moslem Scholar”

9. Mohammed bin Mousa Al-Khawarizmi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Khawarizmi is again categorized as Persian despite that it states, he was “born maybe in Khwārizm [2][4][5], in Uzbekistan,“ Here it uses highly debatable, unprecedented and scholarly unacceptable terminology, “………which was then part of the native Iranian-Khwarizmian Afrigid dynasty [6]“ undoubtedly one of Wikipedia’s new inventions!

10. There is a seriously damaging sectarian inclusion provided in the Wikipedia pages under madh.hab or religion, which appears on the right side of the page. It discloses the sect as either Ismaeli or Shiite. According to Wikipedia, none of the Moslem polymaths were Arabs and nearly all of them were Persians and Shiites, which is incorrect!! Religious sects have no relevance in documenting the history of people worldwide. None of the Christian and Jewish polymaths, kings, artists and professionals are being categorized in Wikipedia or in any other encyclopedia by their sects (Orthodox, moderate Jews, Catholics, Protestants, and so on) whether in documenting the past or the present!.

In other words, no Moslem scholar (especially the popular) is presented in Wikipedia without being linked often incorrectly or unnecessarily to Persian ancestry!

The Last Princess of IRAQ

2008-09-18T20:06:00.000-07:00

By Wafaa' Al-Natheema

Born in Syria in 1920, Badeea Ali Hussein al-Hashimi* is the last surviving princess of IRAQ. She has been living in London for three decades.

Princess Badeea came with her family to Iraq in 1927 and left it in 1958 after hiding for one month following the July 14 revolution. King Faisal I was her uncle and Prince Abdul Ilah (who was killed in the 1958 revolution with PM Nouri Saeed and King Faisal II) was her brother. She has three sons, the eldest is Mohammed (appearing in the picture), the middle is Abdul Ilah and the youngest is Asharif Ali bin Hussein who campaigned to claim his right for the thrown following the fall of Baghdad in 2003.

Part of the interview purpose was to inquire about issues pertaining King Ghazi (1912-1939), but after she criticized him as a man with bad drinking habits, who was a womanizer and irrational, and after seeing how she sobbed everytime her murdered brother was mentioned, I decided to focus on her memories from a social and not political angle.

I thank retired colonel Ali Hussein al-Jasim for his appreciated efforts to introduce me to Princess Badeea and for arranging a meeting with her at her flat in London on July 23, 08. I have video recorded a short interview with the Princess and look forward to release it by January 2009.

I am hoping to interview any of King Ghazi's surviving nephews, nieces, cousins and other relatives from his mother's side. It is imperative for truth sake, setting the records straight, to also interview surviving personalities who worked with or befriended the King. PLEASE encourage those who knew the King personally to contact me at aboutfromiraq@yahoo.com

EYEWITNESS ACCOUNTS ARE ONE OF THE BEST WAYS TO CORRECT THE ERRORS COMMITTED IN DOCUMENTING IRAQ'S HISTORY

^Asharif Mohammed bin Hussein al-Hashimy

* In documentation, her name often appears as Princess Badeea bint (daughter of) King Ali bin Hussein al-Hashimy.

Note 1: Asharif means 'honorable'

Note 2: I found nothing written in English about Princess Badeea on the Internet.

Insurance in IRAQ - in Arabic & English

2008-08-29T07:27:00.000-07:00

The Reality of Insurance in Iraq

Brief History

by Fuad Abdallah Aziz

Edited by Wafaa' Al-Natheema

[English Translation Below]

واقع التأمين في العراق: نبذة تاريخية
فؤاد عبدالله عزيز

ظهرت بدايات التأمين في العراق عـن طريق فـروع شـركـات ووكالات أجنبية، بلغت لغاية عام 1964 (وهـو تـاريـخ صدور قرارات التأميم في العراق) خمس عشرة شركة ووكالة عربية وأجنبية حيث رافقها تأسيس شركات تأمين محلية خاصة وشركتي تأميـن مباشر وإعادة تأمين حكوميتين.ا

تأسست أول شركة تأميـن حكومية باسم شركة التأمين الوطنيـة بموجب القانون المرقم ب ’56‘ لسنة 1950 برأس مال اسمي قدره مليون دينار وتمارس أعـمال التأمـيـن على اختلاف أنواعه واسـتـثـمـار رأس الـمـال بالطريقة التي يقررها مجلس الإدارة.ا

في عام 1960 صدر القانون المرقم بـ ’21‘ وهو قـانـون تأسـيـس شركة إعادة الـتـأمـيـن العراقيـة (شركة مساهمة) والذي جرى تعديله بالقانون المرقم بـ ’132‘ لسنة 1964 الذي ألزم كافــــة شركات التامين المؤممة بإعادة نسبة 25% من عمليات التامين لدى الشركة بهدف التقليل من استيراد خـدمات إعادة الـتـاميـن وتصدير خدمات التامين إلى الخارج لزيادة نشاط شركـة إعادة التامين العراقية في الأسواق الدولية.ا

لذا فإن عدد شركات التأمين وإعادة التامين الحكومية والخاصة وفروع ووكالات شركات التأمين العربية والأجنبية التي كانـت عاملة في العراق لغاية صدور قرارات التأميم عام 1964 هـي كما مبين أدناه:ا

أ – شركات التامين وإعادة التامين المحلية:ا

شركة التأمين الوطنية – شركة حكومية – تامين مباشر
شركة إعادة التأمين العراقية- شركة حكومية-إعادة تامين
شركة بغداد للتأمين
شركة التأمين العراقية
شركة التأمين التجاري
شركة الإعتماد للتأمين
شركة الرشيد للتأمين
شركة الرافدين للتأمين
شركة دجلة للتأمين

ب – فروع ووكالات شركات التامين العربية والأجنبية :ا

شركة الإتحاد الوطني
شركة الضمان اللبنانية
شركة الشرق للتأمين
شركة مصر للتأمين
شركة التأمين العربية
شركة رويال للتأمين
شركة أطلس للتأمين
لندن بروفنشيال مارين أند جنرال انشورنس
سان انشورنس اوفيس
كارديان للتأمين
يونيون انشورنس سوسايتي
بروفنشيال للتأمين
اميركان لايف انشورنس
نيو انديا للتأمين
ناشنال انشورنس أوف نيوزيلاند

بعد صدور قرارات التأميم بـمـوجـب القانون المرقم بـ ’99‘ لسنة 1964، ارتبطت كافة شركات التأمين الـمحـليـة والعربية والأجنبية بالمؤسسة الاقتصادية التي أنشئت بالقانون الـمـرقـم بـ ’98‘ لسنة 1964 عن طريق المؤسسة العامة للتامين الذي اعتبرها قانون المؤسسة الاقتصادية إحدى مكوناتها مــع المؤسسة العامة للصناعة والمؤسسة العامة للتجارة وبـموجـبه ترتبط بالـمـؤسـسـة العامـة للتأمين جميع منشآت التأمين الـتي تمتلك الحـكومـة الآن أو في المستقبل كامل رأسمالها كما ورد في نص القانون المذكور .ا

أدى صدور قانون التأميم المرقم ’99‘ لسنة 1964الى توقـف العمل بالقانون المرقم بـ ’49‘ لسنة 1960 (وهو قـانـون شـركـات ووكلاء التامين في العراق) والذي ينظم شؤون شركات ووكلاء التأمين في العراق وكيفية منحها إجازة ممارسة العمل وأسلوب الرقابة عليها واعتبار وزارة التجارة الجهة المسؤولة عنها.ا

بصدور قانون المؤسسات العامة المرقم بـ ’166‘ لسنة 1965 أصبح ارتباط المؤسسـة العامة للتأمين بوزارة الاقتصاد حـيـث ورد في المادة (أ) منه انه تنشأ بهذا القانون المؤسسات العامـــة الآتية وتكون لكل منها شخصية معنوية واستقلال مالي وإداري مركزها في بغداد وترتبط بالوزارة المبينة أدناه:ا

أ – المؤسسة العامة للتجارة – وزارة الاقتصاد
ب – المؤسسة العامة للتأمين – وزارة الاقتصاد
ج – المؤسسة العامة للصناعة – وزارة الصناعة
د – المؤسسة العامة للمصارف – وزارة المالية

بـعـد تحويل ارتباط المؤسسة العامة للتأمين إلى وزارة الـمالـية واعتبارها الجهة المسؤولة عن نشاط التامين أصبحت الشركات الحكومية المملوكة للدولة بالكامل والتابعة للمؤسـسـة العامة للتامين ثلاثة شركات متخصصة وكما مبين أدناه :ا

أ – شركة التأمين الوطنية – تأمينات عامة عدا الحياة
ب – الشركة العراقية للتامين على الحياة – تامين الحياة
ج – شركة إعادة التامين العراقية – إعادة تامين

ألغيت المؤسسة العامة للتأمين بـمـوجـب قـرار مـجـلـس قـيادة الـثـورة الـمـرقـم ب’193‘ في 4/1/1987 ونقلت حقـوقـهـا والتزاماتها إلى الشركات الـتـابـعـة لـهـا والـتـي ارتبطـت بمركز وزارة الـمالـيـة على ان تحـتـفـظ باستقلالهـا الـمـالـي والإداري وشخصيتها المعنوية ونقلت صلاحيات رئيس المؤسسـة العامـة للتأمين إلى المدراء العامين للشركات وإلى صلاحياتهم فـي كـل ما يـتـعـلـق بالأمور الإدارية والماليـة والفنيـة وحسـب مقتضيات العمل .ا

في عام 1988 جرى إلغاء التخصص فـي شركتي الـتـأمـيـن الوطنية والعراقية للتأمين عـلى الحياة بـهـدف تهـيـئـة فـرص المنافسـة بـيـن الشركـتـيـن في مـمـارسـة جميع أنواع التأمين بضمنها التأمين على الحياة مما اقتضى تعديل اسم الـشـركـة العراقية للتأمين على الحياة إلى شركة التأمين العراقيـة كـمـا تقرر إلغاء إسناد حصص إلزامية من أعمال الشركتين إلى شركة إعادة التأمين العراقية إستنادا لما جاء في القانون رقـم ’136‘ لسنة 1988 (لتعديل قانون تأسيس شـركـة إعادة الـتـأمـيـن الـعـراقـيـة رقم ’21‘ لسنـة 1960) بأن تـتخصص بممارسة أعمال إعادة الـتـأمـيـن قبولا وإسنادا على المستوى الـمحـلـي والـدولـي وفـق الأسـس الـمـتعـارف عليها وتستثمر أموالها واحتياطياتها بما يخدم أغراضها , وان تنظم عـلاقـات إعادة التامين بين الشركة وشركات التامين المحلية بـتعـليمات يصدرها وزير الماليـة بحيث يجري إسناد الأخطار التي تزيد عـن طاقـة الشركـتـيـن الـمبـاشـرتيـن إلى شركة إعادة التامين العراقية وبطرق إعادة التامين الجارية سواء كانت اتــفــاقـيـة أو اختيارية.ا

يتضح مما تقدم ان قطاع التأمين العراقي لم يشهد متغيرات جذرية منذ عام 1964 الذي صدرت فيه قرارات التأميم حيث بـقـي النشاط التأميني المباشر حكرا لشركتين حكوميتين وشــركــة إعادة تأمين حكوميـة واحدة لغاية عام 1997 الـذي حـصلـت فـيـه انتقالة جديدة نبينها أدناه:ا

أ- صدر قانون جـديـد للشركات العامة برقم ’22‘ لسنة 1997 بهدف تنظيم العمل في الوحدات الاقتصادية المملوكـة للدولة والممولـة ذاتيا التي تمارس نشاطا اقتصاديا كـذلـك تـطـويــر القوانين المنظمـة لـنـشـاط هـذه الوحدات مـن خلال تـأسـيـس شركات عامة وطنية .ا

ب- بصدور قانون الشركات الجديد المرقم بـ ’21‘ لسنة 1997 أصبح المجال مفتوحا للقطاع الخاص بتأسيس شركات تأميـن وإعادة تأمين .ا

ج- استنادا للقانون المذكور اصدر مجلس قيادة الثورة قراره المرقم بـ ’192‘ في 3/12/1998 والذي تقرر فيه ان تكون وزارة المالية هي الجهة المختصة بـنـشـاط التأمين .ا

د- بتاريخ 1/11/1999 اصدر وزير المالية التعليمات المرقمـة بـ ’12‘ لسنة 1999 (تعليمات ممارسة التأمين وإعادة التأمين) والتي وردت في قرار مجلس قيادة الثورة المرقـــم بـ ’192‘ في 3/12/1998 وبدأت منذ هذا التاريخ عمليــة عودة القطاع الخاص لممارسة النشاط التأميني في العراق بعد أن توقف دوره عن هذا النشاط منذ صدور قرارات التأمين في تموز عام 1964 .ا

نقحت المقالة : وفاء النظيمة

The Reality of Insurance in Iraq- Brief History

by Fuad Abdallah Aziz

Translated to English by:

Misbah Kamal

Osama AttarBashi

Wafaa' Al-Natheema

Insurance beginnings emerged in Iraq through the branches and agencies of foreign companies. Up to 1964 (when the nationalization decrees were issued) there were fifteen Arab and foreign companies and agencies, together with local private and government-owned insurance and reinsurance companies.

The first government-owned insurance company was founded under the name 'The National Insurance Company' according to Law No. 56 of 1950 with a nominal capital of one million dinars, providing different kinds of insurance services and leaving the investment of its capital funds to the board of directors.

In 1960, Law No. 21 was issued, Law for the Establishment of the Iraq Reinsurance Company (joint stock company). This law was amended by Law No. 132 of 1964, making it obligatory on all insurance companies to reinsure 25% of their insurance operations with this company - to reduce importing of reinsurance services and simultaneously exporting reinsurance services abroad to enhance the activity of Iraq Reinsurance Company in international markets.

Therefore, the number of private and government insurance and reinsurance companies, branches and agencies of Arab and foreign insurance companies operating in Iraq up to the issuing of the nationalization decrees in 1964 were as follows:

A. Local Insurance and Reinsurance Companies:

1. National Insurance Company – government-owned company - direct insurance
2. Iraq Reinsurance Company - government-owned company - reinsurance
3. Baghdad Insurance Company
4. Iraq Insurance Company
5. Commercial Insurance Company
6. Reliance Insurance Company
7. Rasheed Insurance Company
8. Rafidain Insurance Company
9. Tigris Insurance Company

B. Branches and Agencies of Arab & Foreign Insurance Companies:

1 Al Ittihad Al Watani (L’ Union Nationale), General Insurance Co for the Near East, S.A.L.
2 Compagnie Libanaise d’Assurance
3 Al-Shark Insurance Company
4 Misr Insurance Company
5 Arabia Insurance Company
6 Royal Insurance Company
7 Atlas Insurance Company
8 London Provincial Marine & General Insurance Company
9 Sun Insurance Office
10 Guardian Assurance Company
11 Société l'Union des Assurances de Paris
12 Provincial Assurance
13 American Life Insurance Company
14 New India Insurance Company
15 National Insurance Company of New Zealand

Following Law No. 99 of 1964, the nationalisation decrees, all domestic, Arab and foreign insurance companies came under the State Insurance Organisation part of the State Economic Organisation that was set up by Law No. 98 of 1964. The State Economic Organisation was made up of the State Insurance Organisation, State Industry Organisation and the State Trade Organisation. Accordingly, all insurance establishments, the capital of which was fully owned by the government, at the time of the promulgation of the law or in the future, shall be linked to the State Insurance Organisation.

The Nationalisation Law No. 99 of 1964, in effect ended the operation of Law No. 49 of 1960 (Law of Insurance Companies and Agents in Iraq), which regulated the business of insurance companies and insurance agents in Iraq, their licensing, supervision and accountability to the Ministry of Trade.

With the issuing of Law No. 166 of 1965, the State Organisations Law, the State Insurance Organisation became accountable to the Ministry of the Economy. Article (a) of this law provided that the state organisations, as administratively and financially independent juridical entities, headquartered in Baghdad, shall be linked to the following ministries:

a. State Trade Organisation – Ministry of Economy
b. State Insurance Organisation – Ministry of Economy
c. State Industry Organisation – Ministry of Industry
d. State Banking Organisation – Ministry of Finance

After linking the State Insurance Organisation with the Ministry of Finance, as the authority responsible for regulating insurance activity, the three-government owned companies of the State Insurance Organisation were made specialist companies as follows:

a. National Insurance Company – general insurance excluding life insurance
b. Iraq Life Insurance Company – life insurance
c. Iraq Reinsurance Company – reinsurance

On 04/01/1987, the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) by a decree No. “193”decided to dismantle the State Insurance Organization (SIO) and to transfer its rights, assets and obligations to the companies that constituted the SIO. These companies were then linked to the Ministry of Finance but they retained their fiscal and administrative independence and juridical personality. All the powers of the director general of the SIO, relating to administrative, fiscal, and technical matters, were transferred to the directors of these companies in accordance with operational requirements.

In 1988, the specialization of the National Insurance Company (NIC) and the Iraq Life Insurance Company (ILIC) was abolished in order to create competition between the two companies in providing all types of insurance (including life insurance). Accordingly, the name of ILIC was changed to Iraq Insurance Company (IIC). It was also decided by Law No. 136 of 1988 to abolish the ceding [assignment] of compulsory shares of the business of the two companies to Iraq Reinsurance Company (Iraq Re). This was an amendment of Law No. 21 of 1960 which established Iraq Re whereby Iraq Re was to specialize in inward and outward reinsurance business in the national and international markets according to established practice and to invest its assets to serve its objectives, regulate the reinsurance relations with local insurance companies (that is NIC and IIC) based on new directives to be issued by the Minister of Finance so as to assign risks that are beyond their capacity to Iraq Re through facultative or treaty reinsurance methods.

It becomes apparent from what is mentioned above that the Iraqi insurance sector did not witness significant changes since 1964, which saw the issuance of the nationalization decrees, as direct insurance activity remained a monopoly of the two state companies and reinsurance the monopoly of one state reinsurance company till the year 1997 when the following significant transformations took place:

1- A new Law of Public Companies No 22 of 1997 was issued to regulate the activity of state owned economic entities that are self-financed and to develop the directives regulating the activities of these entities through the formation of public national companies.

2- A new Companies Law No. 21 of 1997 was issued which allowed the private sector to form insurance and reinsurance companies.

3- Based on this law the RCC issued Decree No.192 on 3/12/1988 whereby the Ministry of Finance became the competent supervisory body of insurance activities.

On 1/11/1999, the Minister of Finance issued Directive No. 12 for the year 1999 (Regulations for the Practice of Insurance and Reinsurance) based on Law No. 192 issued by the RCC on 3/12 /1998. These regulations reopened the doors for the private sector to engage in insurance after its absence since the nationalization decrees of July 1964.

Oil Nationalization - Brief History

2008-06-01T15:30:00.000-07:00

by Issam al-Chalaby

Immediately after WW1, and as a condition to the establishment of Iraq, the oil concession was awarded to the American, British, French & Dutch companies for a period of 75 years.

The concessionary companies, despite the great potential, restricted its oil production to limited areas. In 1961, Law 80 was issued confiscating 99.5% of the land from the companies that were not being developed.

It was the beginning of a major struggle that was culminated on 1st June 1972 with the decision of the Iraqi Government to nationalize the activities of Iraq Petroleum Co. Later in similar moves in October 1973, the Dutch & American interests were nationalized in Basrah Petroleum Company, and then in December 1975 the remaining British & French interests were nationalised.

* Translated to Arabic by Wafaa' Al-Natheema

مباشرة بعد الحرب العالمية الأولى ، وكشرط لقيام دولة العراق ، منح امتياز النفط الى شركات الولايات المتحدة وبريطانيا وهولندا وفرنسا لمدة 75 عاما .ا

على الرغم من الامكانات الكبيرة ، حصرت شركات الإمتياز انتاجها النفطي لمجالات محدودة. وفي عام 1961 ، صدر القانون 80 والذي بموجبه تمت مصادرة 99،5 ٪ من الأراضي المحتكرة من الشركات الأجنبية و التي لم تكن مستغلة.ا

كان ذلك بداية لمشروع نضالي مهم توج في اول حزيران 1972 مع قرار الحكومة العراقية بتأميم انشطه شركة نفط العراق . بعد ذلك وبخطوات مماثلة في تشرين الاول / اكتوبر 1973 تم تأميم المصالح الهولنديه والامريكية فى شركة بترول البصرة وفي كانون الأول 1975 أمم ما تبقى من المصالح الفرنسية و البريطانية .ا

ترجمته إلى العربية وفاء النظيمة

كتبه بالإنجليزية عصام الجلبي (وزير النفط 1987 -1990)ا

Oil Nationalization - Thirty-Six Anniversary

2008-05-31T10:02:00.000-07:00

June 1, 1972 - June 1, 2008

We would like to congratulate you in the thirty-six anniversary of nationalizing Iraqi Oil hoping that the enduring Iraqi people continue their control of IRAQ's resources.

Issam al-ChalabiFormer Oil Minister (1987-1990)

الأول من حزيران 1972 - الأول من حزيران 2008

نهنئكم بمناسبة الذكرى السادسة والثلاثين لتأميم النفط آملين استمرار سيطرة شعبنا العراقي الصامد على ثرواته .ا

وزير النفط (1987 - 1990)ا

عصام الجلبي

Arab Sciences & Scientists

2008-05-02T12:53:00.000-07:00

Arab Scientists at Baghdad, Basra and Damascus

Special Radio Program

The Baghdad Cafe radio program aired between December 1997 and February 2000. The show was sponsored by the Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS) http://www.ineas.org/ , produced and hosted by Wafaa' Al-Natheema. The program aired on WZBC 90.3 FM in Newton, MA. (USA) every Sunday for two hours.

On Agust 2, 1998, Wafaa' featured a 40-minute special on Arab Sciences and Scientists. INEAS made this special available on youtube in the links provided below.

If you do not wish to listen to the introductory song, please skip to the sixth minute of part 1 to begin listening to the information on Arab contributions, errors and misconceptions.
If you only want to listen to the information on Arab Scientists, then skip part 5 after the first two minutes. Later in this part, there are two songs from Mali and IRAQ.

Please always read the description on the right side of the video clip on youtube, which provides you with additional information and points out errors and corrections.

Finally, if you wish to order this two-hour radio program on CD, watch part 5 for details on how to do that while listening to the Mali and Iraqi songs. This two-hour radio program featured music/songs from Africa, Asia and Europe.

Here are the links:

Part I : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jTY4MiTWF3U

At the sixth minute; the general information about Arabs and Persians begins along with some errors and misconceptions.

Part II : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bsjItFlTGqU

A very informative overview about the inventions and discoveries by Arabs, Chinese, Greeks and Indians. Here you also learn about trigonometry, Algorithm, geometry, astronomy and zoology. Algebra, which is an Arab invention, is not mentioned in this special. This part also highlights the works of scientists such as al-Khawarizmi, al-Hasan Ibnul Haytham, al-Jahith (aka al-Jahiz) and Kamal Ad-Dine Ad-Damiri. After the tenth minute, there is a title announcement. If you don't listen to it, you may not recognize the era or the location of the doctors presented in part 3. Persian Santour improvisation is the background music for this part.

Part III : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ydv624S90AE

Here, the host of the program introduces medical doctors in the Umayyad era when Damascus was the capital of the Islamic Empire. Brief information is provided about doctors; Prince Khalid bin Yazeed bin Mu'awiya, Abul Hakam al-Dimashqi, al-Hakam al-Dimashqi, Ibnul Hakam al-Dimashqi, Ibn Athal, Tiathooq, Furat bin Shahnata, Abdul Malik al-Kinani and Zaineb Bani Aud. It also includes information about three Abbasid era's doctors, when Baghdad was the capital of the Islamic world. These doctors are: Abu Hunain Is.haq al-Ibadi, Hunain bin Is.haq al-Ibadi and Is.haq bin Hunain.

Persian improvisation and Greek music (the famous piece, Zorba) are used as the musical background for this part.

Part IV : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FEL--pHB98s

This part continues providing information on Abbasid doctors:
Al-Kindi, Ibni-Tilmeeth al-Baghdadi and Muwaffaq Abdul Latif al-Baghdadi. It also points out three non-Arab doctors ; Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd and Ibn Maimoun, plus two famous Arab doctors following the Abbasid era: Ibnu-Nafees and Ibn Zuhr. The poem (recited in both Arabic and English) at the 9th minute is very interesting. Piano playing by the Netherland composer and musician Silvard Kool is the musical background of this part.

Part V : http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bRL68iLnPWY

Here, only the first minute provides information about the musical background for the Special on Arab Contributions to Science. The rest is the conclusion of the radio program featuring two songs from Mali and IRAQ.

Former President Abdul Rahman Aref

2007-10-13T17:21:00.000-07:00

1916 Baghdad - August 24, 07 Amman

President of IRAQ
Between April 16, 1966 and July 1968

President Aref (middle), King Faisal Al Saoud (left)

and president Jamal Abdul Naser (right) in 1967

Aref's Presidential Achievements
A Partial List

# Opened the doors for negotiations with the Kurds to ensure a democratic solution two months after resuming his presidential duties.

# Lead the negotiations with the Russians to provide weapons for the Syrian and Egyptian armies

# Visited France and met with President Charles DeGaul, which led to the improvement of Arab relationship with France

# Implemented the plant to extract sulfur from the natural gas in Kirkuk in 1966

# Implemented the dry-gas pipeline, which transferred gas from Kirkuk to Baghdad to provide power plants, oil refineries and large factories with fuel in 1967

# Implemented the transport pipeline to transfer crude liquid gases from Kirkuk to Taji Oil Gas Factory in 1967

# Signed the contract for the export of crude oil from Iraq to Turkey in March 1968

# Signed a protocol allowing the export of piped natural gas from Iraq to Turkey on April 6, 1967

Announcement

The Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS) is pleased to announce the production of a short documetary film about the former IRAQI president Abdul Rahman Aref
Coming Soon on DVD

Three-minute Trailer

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MZpJ75HPzaE

Institute of Near Eastern & African Studies (INEAS)
P.O. Box 425125
Cambridge, MA. 02142 USA
Website: http://www.INEAS.org

INEAS is an Independent, tax-exempt, educational and cultural organization geared to educate the public and inform the media on issues related to Asia & Africa.
INEAS was founded in 1994

As-Sarrafiya Bridge -- History

2007-04-25T17:10:00.000-07:00

كان اطول جسر في العالم .. ذكريات عن جسر الصرافية

زياد مسعود

18 April 2007

سمي جسر الصرافية شعبياً جسر القطار، وسماه من يعيش بقربه جسر العلوازية وجسر العيواضية وسماه اهل بغداد، كرخ ورصافة الجسر الحديدي وجسر الصرافية، والاسم الاخير هو الاشهر لكن تسمية الجسر الحديدي جاءت من أنه بني مركباُ من قواطع حديدية ظاهرة وسقف بمقاطع حديدية على عكس جسر العتيق أو جسر المأمون ثم جسر الشهداء وجسر الصالحية الذي كان يسمى رسمياً جسر الملك فيصل ثم سمي جسر الاحرار وكان اسمه الشعبي جسر مود نسبة الى القائد البريطاني الجنرال مود فاتح بغداد خلال الحرب العالمية الاولى وجسر الائمة الذي يربط الكاظمية بالاعظمية وكان جسراً خشبياً مخيفاً قبل ان يبنى بشكل عصري . كان الغرض من انشاء جسر الصرافية هوعبور القطار عليه ليوصل بين محطة قطار شرقي بغداد التي كانت تقع قريباً من كلية التجارة واعدادية صناعة بغداد ومحطة قطار غربي بغداد التي كانت تقع في كراج العلاوي الحالي قبيل انشاء محطة السكك بالكرخ التي تسمى بالمحطة العالمية.ا

كلفت شركة كوبربلايزرد البريطانية الاستشارية الهندسية بوضع تصاميم الجسر واستمر عملها عامين.

جسر في سدني

كان جسر الصرافية معداً للانشاء في مدينة سدني في استراليا قبل ان تقرر وزارة الاشغال والمواصلات العراقية شراء هيكله الحديدي وتعهد الى شركة كوبربلايزرد بادخال التحويرات المقتضية على هيكله وبدأ العمل بتنفيذه اواخر سنة 1946 من قبل شركة (هولو) البريطانية.اطول جسر في العالم..ا

في حين بلغ طول الجسر مع مقترباته 2166 متراً بينما بلغ طول القسم الواقع على النهر (450) متراً وكان بذلك اطول جسر في العالم في حينه. تعثر بناء الجسر بسبب انتفاضة الوثبة سنة 1948 واعتبره المواطنون الذين قاوموا عقد معاهدة بورت سموث بين العراق وبريطانيا جسراً يتم انشاؤه لخدمة الاغراض البريطانية فقاموا بمهاجمة المهندسين الانكليز والعمال الهنود الذين يعملون فيه ورموهم بالحجارة والقطع الحديدية كما تم رمي بعض قطعه الحديدية من النهر فتوقف العمل فيه لفترة.

قاده عبد المفرجي بمساعدة ياس علي الناص

تمت العودة الى العمل خلال وزارة السيد محمد الصدر واستمر حتى عام 1952 حيث جرى احتفال رسمي كبير حضره السيد جميل المدفعي رئيس الوزراء و شاهد البغداديون لاول مرة قطاراً يسير على جسر حديدي على دجلة قاده المرحوم سائق القطار الاقدم السيد عبد عباس المفرجي وكان يشرف على سيره الفنان ياس علي الناصر باعتباره فنياً متخصصاً بسير القطارات الحديثة.

الجسر الذبيح

ذبحوا جسر الصرافية منذ ايام وهدموا بذلك معلماً من معالم بغداد العمرانية ولكنه سيعود باذن الله بهيا شامخاً من جديد

المدى العراقية

Arabic script taken from: (صوت العراق) - 18-04-2007 www.sotaliraq.com

Translated By Dr Ismail Jalili, UK
الترجمة للانكليزية - الدكتور اسماعيل الجليلي
23 April 2007
As-Sarrafiya Bridge (Jisr Al-Sarrafiya)

Officially called As-Sarrafiya Bridge, but popularly known as Jisr Al-Qittar (The Train Bridge). For those who lived nearby, it was Al-Alwaziya and Al-Iwadhiya Bridge, and for Baghdadis it was known as Al-Jisr Al-Hadeedi (The Iron Bridge), however, the name of As-Sarafiyya remained the most commonly used.

The Bridge was the first iron bridge in Baghdad. The other bridges existing in Baghdad at the time were Jisr Al-Ateeq [the Old Bridge], Jisr Alma'moon, Jisr Al-Shuhadaa' [the Martyrs] and Jisr Al-Salhiya [the area west of the bridge]. The latter was officially known as King Faisal Bridge during the monarchy but renamed as Al-Ahrar [the Freemen] Bridge after the establishment of the Republic in 1958 eventhough the common name used by the people was Maud Bridge (after General Maud who occupied Baghdad at WW1). Another bridge was Jisr Al-A'imma that linked Al-Adhamiya and Al-Kadhum. It was at the time a wooden bridge, which frightened whoever saw it.
The purpose of As-Sarrafiya Bridge was to establish a modern train bridge linking the two railway stations on either sides of River Tigris in Baghdad. The East of Baghdad Railway Station, which was near the Faculty of Commerce, and The Commerce Secondary School. The West of Baghdad Railway Station was close to the current El-Alaawi Garage, which was later replaced by the newly constructed International Railway Station in the early 1960s.

The design and planning of the As-Sarrafiya Bridge was granted to a British firm Cooper-Blazer*, which completed the plans in two years.

A Bridge in Sydney
Al-Sarrafiya Bridge had been planned for Sydney, Australia prior to its purchase by the Ministry of Works and Transport who bought the steel framework and arranged for the bridge to be modified and adapted for Baghdad.
Work to construct the bridge commenced at the end of 1946 by the British Construction Company Holo (the exact English spelling not certain).

The Longest Bridge in the World for its time
The length of bridge was 2166 meters and the river span was 450 meters, thus making it the longest bridge in the world at the time. The construction of the bridge was interrupted by the Al-Wathba or AL-Intifadha (The Leap), the popular uprising of Iraqis against the Portsmouth Treaty between Britain and Iraq. It was thought at the time that the Bridge was intended to serve British interests. Rioters attacked the British engineers and the Indian labourers with stones and iron pieces and this led to the suspension of the construction work.

First driven by Abd Al-Mafraji and supervised by Yas Ali Al-Naser
Work on the Bridge was recommenced at the time of Sayyed (Sir in a religious context) Mohamed Al-Sadr Cabinet and was completed in 1952. It was officially opened with great ceremony that was attended by the Prime Minster at the time Mr Jameel (Jamil) Al-Madfa'ie. It was the first time Baghdadis saw a train crossing an iron bridge. At the ceremony, the train was driven by the most senior train driver, Mr Abd Abbas Al-Mafraji and supervised by the Iraqi Artist Yas Ali Alnaser, who was a specialist technician in modern trains.

The decimated Bridge
They have now decimated Al-Sarrafiya Bridge and in so doing they have destroyed one of Baghdad's modern monuments. However, there is no doubt that the Bridge will come back again.
(see photos)
Al-Medaa Al-Iraqia
Arabic script is courtesy of Al-Iraq Voice (صوت العراق ( 18-04-2007
Translated by Dr Ismail Jalili
الترجمة للانكليزية الدكتور اسماعيل الجليلي المملكة المتحده ‘
23 نيسان 2007

* The exact english name is unavailable. I acknowledge the contribution of Dr Ghanim Al-Sheikh in providing the full name.

More details on the bombings Who bombed Al-Sarrafiya Bridge
Other references on the history of the BridgeIraq the Model: http://iraqthemodel.blogspot.com/2007/04/jisr-al-hadeed.html
all of Baghdad Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fall_of_Baghdad_(1917)

Sluglett Gets Corrected on IRAQ's History

2007-02-13T08:10:00.000-08:00

Peter Sluglett inserted his comments within Tarik al-Ani's reply to Peter. You will see Sluglett's comments in RED bold below. Click on this link first to read Tarik's original commentary to the exchanges between Wafaa' Al-Natheema, Nissim Rejwan and Peter Sluglett: http://zennobia.blogspot.com/2007/02/tarik-al-ani-responds-to-peter-sluglett.html

I read your exchange of messages with Naseem Rejwan and Peter Sluglett. The subject is indeed a very difficult one; one with which I have struggled and entered into debates and quarrels here in Finland. It has cost me a lot and continues to do so… No Western "scholar" would ever admit ignorance, or that a "wog" (not as Scientology defines it though) would know better than him or her. That must be clearly understood right from the beginning. Most also think that because they, as Westerners, are "superior" to us in every aspect (sic!), then their writings are always reliable and correct and what we write is merely "emotional outbursts" that "lack academic seriousness and credibility." This is the most ridiculous nonsense. I hold my Arab, Persian and Turkish colleagues in the highest possible esteem, and you cannot cite any evidence whatever to suggest otherwise. Batatu's book on Iraq is unsurpassed and unsurpassable, and the work of Isam al-Khafaji and Falih 'Abd al-Jabbar is indispensable to an understanding of contemporary Iraqi realities. The work of Malik Mufti ( Sovereign Creations ...) is the best exposure of the utter nonsense of Ba'thism; the list can go on and on. Please do not insult my intelligence by putting about this childish idea that someone like myself does not respect and make use of the work of Arab scholars. But I would also say that the work of Charles Tripp, Pierre-Jean Luizard, Phebe Marr (just!) and Toby Dodge, all of which is based on primary materials, cannot be ignored simply because the authors are Westerners. This is so elementary that I am amazed I even have to state it.

Thus it is not unexpected (by me at least) that Joel Beinin would not reply to you; first because of apparent arrogance (as can be seen from his remark to Peter Sluglett), and second because he would never admit his ignorance or that he only copied from other sources. I have seen this many, many times in my years of work and research in Finland. Who is copying what from whom, exactly ? Beinin has written pioneering work on Zionism and the Palestinians, and (as a Jew in America) has been standing up courageously to attacks from Zionists all his academic life. He doesn't need or deserve this kind of baseless criticism.

Peter Sluglett, says that he "has been working on 19th and 29th century Iraqi history for the last 30 years". If his replies are a reflection of what he knows and teaches, then he does not know much and the last 30 years have been sheer waste… Have you read Britain in Iraq 1914-1932? Have you read Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett, Iraq since 1958: from Revolution to Dictatorship (3rd edition, 2001)? If you have, and have substantive criticism of the points made in them, fine. If not, what's the point of the discussion? I notice you are not make any specific criticisms.
Sluglett also relies on the Ottoman censuses as "the most reliable sources we have", yet a few paragraphs later he completely disregards the Ottoman's "reliable sources" and says that Iraq was not called Iraq, and that the name Iraq "referred only to the provinces of Baghdad and Basra!". What was the land called then? The Ottomans, when they conquered Iraq after the fall of the Abbasid Empire, divided it into the (Wilayet) governorates of Baghdad, Mosul and Basrah. Not completely so; see Andreas Birken, Die Provinzen des Osmanischen Reiches (Wiesbaden, 1976). This shows that the names and boundaries of the wilayas changed frequently at different times; thus there was sometimes a province of Shahrizor, etc etc.

The Wali (governor) of each Wilayet was autonomous, but the Wali of Baghdad had authority over the other two Walis, making him the semi-sovereign ruler of Iraq. The name Iraq existed already when the Muslims entered it in 634 AD. OK, The 'Iraq of the medieval Arab geographers (e.g. al-Mas'udi etc) referred to an area extending southwards from al-Haditha on the Euphrates and from Takrit on the Tigris. The area immediately to the north of 'Iraq, bounded by the Euphrates to the west, the Byzantine empire to the north, the province of Armaniya to the north east, and the provinces of Azarbayjan and al-Jibal to the east, was called al-Jazira. See the maps in The Atlas of Islamic History of the Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, pp. 20-21. Under the Ottomans, there was no single administrative entity called 'Iraq' which corresponds to the boundaries of the modern state. (For the evolution of the boundaries of the various Ottoman provinces, see Birken, 1976). Before the First World War and during the Mesopotamia campaign (southern) Iraq was referred to as 'Turkish Arabia' in British official correspondence. Please try to understand that I am NOT trying to make a political point, I am just stating the facts as I know them.
Yet when it comes to issues like Kuwait and Iraq's claims over it, suddenly the Ottoman's sources disappear, and no reference is made to the fact that the whole East Coast of Arabia down to Oman was part of the Wilayet of Basra until the fall of the Ottomans and the British occupation of Iraq after WW1! Selective morality would you say, or just immorality? Actually, this is not so: I attach two articles which show that this is not the case. In simple terms, Kuwait never paid any tax to Constantinople, and while the Shaykhs of Kuwait were given Ottoman titles (qaimaqam) from time to time, this was also true of the Amirs of Najd -- so do we conclude from this that Najd is part of the wilaya of Basra !!?? In any case, it's quite clear, in 1938, 1961, and 1990, no significant number of Kuwaitis wanted to be part of Iraq !

I was surprised to hear Naseem Rejwan stating that Sunni Arabs continued to be masters and landlords for quite a few centuries. What is surprising about that ? If I am correct, then he is either the son or nephew of the late Salim Rejwan, a millionaire of his time in Baghdad who died in the mid 1950s. He was a landowner, and in fact the market area in al-Masbah posh district in Baghdad is still called (Souq Rejwan!)… According to Salim's son, Ishaq, his father told them to leave Iraq after his death since things were going to get bad, and so they left to Europe and the US. Ishaq was happy to note that they still spoke Arabic at home and considered themselves Iraqis … There were other rich Jews in Iraq, and I don't personally know of any poor Jew during the years I lived in Iraq from the 1950s until the early 1980s; not my friends, classmates or neighbors! As almost all Iraqi Jews (except the wealthiest) had been effectively expelled to Israel in 1950-51, it is not surprising that you didn't meet any poor ones. I suggest you read Abbas Shiblak, Iraqi Jews: a History of Mass Exodus (2005), to which I have written the preface (and I attach it).

The feudal masters in Iraq's agricultural middle and south were predominantly Shi'i…Of course: see Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett, 'The Transformation of Land Tenure and Rural Social Structure in Central and Southern Iraq, 1870-1958', International Journal of Middle East Studies, 15, 1983, pp. 491-505.

Joel Beinin writes: "Moreover, in Iraq pan-Arabism was associated with the continuing dominance of the Sunni Arab minority…"

Pan-Arabism in the Arab World was in reality pioneered by Christian Arabs not Muslims; people like Constantin Zureiq and Michel Aflaq. Negib Azouri, a Christian Arab edited the journal L'indépendance Arabe in Paris before the First World War. His "Réveil de la Nation Arabe dans l'Asie Turque…" (1905) was the first open demand for the secession of the Arab lands from the Ottoman Empire… We all know that as well; you are not paying attention to what JB is saying. Yes, the first secessionist authors were Christian, but in Iraq in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, this idea was largely carried by Sunnis like Sati' al-Husri. The Christians you mention were not Iraqis. Writing on Arab nationalism IN IRAQ is largely by Sunnis. Apart from Fadhil Jamali, I can't think of many Iraqi Shi'i writers on Arab nationalism.

Then I would like to discuss what Sluglett wrote on 22 January 2007:

"The only thing I want to add to this 'debate' is that no scholar, by which I mean people like 'Abd al-Jabbar, Batatu, Davis, al-Khafaji, Marr, Tripp, etc who write books about Iraq with footnotes (!) would disagree with the general proposition that there are more Shiis than Sunnis in Iraq. " OK, so what's your counter-evidence ?

"In 1920-21 the British allied with powerful groups and individuals within the minority Sunni element (those who had been part of or partners of the Ottoman ruling class) and helped them to rule the new Iraqi state (adding some new elements like Nuri and his ex-Sharifian officer colleagues). What is important here is that although this was so, the rulers of Iraq until the Ba'th Mark II in 1968 were not interested in playing the sectarian card, i.e. that they may have been Sunnis, but the legacy of the gradually secularising Ottoman state in the late 19th century meant that they themselves did not care one way or the other."

That is not true which part is not true? and in fact the British allied themselves with both Shi'i and Sunni tribal heads yes, ok, but the Shii tribal leaders were never part of the Ottoman ruling class , especially in the south of Iraq. If Sluglett first claims that all the South is Shi'i, with whom did the British ally in that area then? Wasn't eg. Sheikh Muhammed al-Uraiby of Amara a Shi'i? Do you see the contradiction? Of course some Shii tribal leaders were also coopted by the British, but the fact is that very few Shiis held positions in government (until Salih Jabr and Jamali). You have to look at what I'm actually saying, not at what you think I'm saying

However, there is the fact that the Shi'is refused to cooperate with the British occupation, boycotted the elections in the early 1920s, after having rebelled against the British when Najaf was bombed with chemical weapons in 1918; something I am sure Sluglett and his colleagues know well. Sheikh Mahdi al-Khalisi's call for boycott received support from among Christians and Jews and thus angered the British Civil Commissioner in Baghdad Sir Percy Cox. When in 1921 the new State opened the door for employment, al-Khalisi issued a religious Fatwa making working for the state Haram (forbidden). This is the reason why Shi'is were marginalized in Iraq for over 80 years; not because others wanted to but because they themselves did not want to be in the service of the State in the first place. At last something I can agree with in part, although I think 80 years is a bit long -- the spread of education and the gradual economic development of Iraq meant that there were increasing numbers of Shiis in senior positions in the bureaucracy (though never in the military) by, say, the late 1950s. And this was because of growing secularisation, i.e. that people began to find these sectarian distinctions less important (maku farq bayna ...) although that would come back later on.

"Then In the late 1960s/early 1970s, however, Saddam Husayn made sectarian affilation into an issue by expelling Shiis on the grounds that they were 'really' Iranian, first the Fa'ilis and later Shii Arabs. Since religious opposition was essentially all there was or could be in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, SH began to persecute these opposition organisations, whose membership was mostly Shii. And so on ."

Sluglett can not even get his time periods correct, let alone the context.

Saddam Hussein was not sectarian and in fact very secular. Did I say he was sectarian? I am sure he was an atheist !! For him, loyalty to the Party and to himself (as the embodiment of the Ba'th itself) was the only criteria. The Ba'th Party's majority membership was Shi'i, not Sunni! What does that matter? Everyone had to join the party !! How many Shiis were there in the RCC after 1979 ?

The deportation of Iraqis with Persian dependency took place in two batches: late 1979 and 1982, and NOT in the early 1970s! But 40,000 Fa'ili Kurds were expelled in the autumn of 1971 (see Charles Tripp, A History of Iraq, p. 211). The people were not deported because they were Shi'is as is alleged, but the act (which I completely oppose and condemn) was political, intended to put pressure on the Iranian government by sending tens of thousands of people who themselves chose to be considered of Persian dependency. But these Shiis were considered Persian, weren't they? He told Iraqis that those expelled were Persians, didn't he? Weren't men encouraged to divorce their Shii wives ?

After all, how can a "wog" teach a Westerner what is right and what is wrong?? You must be confusing me with Bernard Lewis, whom I detest !!

Peter Sluglett

January 29, 07

,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,

The reply below includes Sluglett's quotes in GREEN bold.

Dear Peter Sluglett,

People start their message by properly addressing the individual to whom they are writing. This belongs to politeness and social skills. That is how I was raised and how I have raised my children!

Your reply was no surprise though. You came out as if you were correcting some essay written by one of your students, dismissing all arguments that do not suit you, albeit in a selective way! That was no surprise either…

Batatu's book on Iraq is unsurpassed and unsurpassable, and the work of Isam al-Khafaji and Falih 'Abd al-Jabbar is indispensable to an understanding of contemporary Iraqi realities.

I do not doubt the importance of the great work of Hanna Batatu, nor do I intend to dismiss it as some would like to. However I do not hold it as infallible or the absolute truth about Iraqi realities. Batatu wanted to analyze the social structure of modern Iraq and its relation to politics, but he sometimes failed in proving his thesis since the social categories did not always conform with the political behavior of their supposed members. His emphasis on the importance and role of the Communist Party in Iraqi politics is exaggerated and offline as history has proven. This is perhaps because of Batatu´s (and seemingly also your) sympathy with Communists or leftists of Iraq. Batatu was not very successful in his attempts to prove the existence of a relation between political activity and social class or ethnicity. I find it strange of him to list the sect of members of the central committees of the communist party, when religion was of no essence to them.

I do not understand why you believe that the work of Isam al-Khafaji and Falih Abdul-Jabbar is “indispensable to an understanding of contemporary Iraqi realities.” Since like you state “only trained historians can write history books”, then none of them is qualified to write such books! None of them is a political analyst or “trained” historian; both Falih and Isam being social scientists though Isam teaches political economy. What they have in common between them (and with you also) is an unexplainable hatred for the Ba’th Party and Ba’thism about which you wrote (..the farrago of nonsense, mostly poisonous nonsense, that it now seems (and to me at least, has always seemed) to be). The second thing that unites you (at least with Falih) is an unshakable worship of Batatu’s analysis, and that seems to be enough to make those gentlemen’s work indispensable!

Falih Abdul-Jabbar was an obscure journalist living in Syria in the 1980s on support from the communist party, until 1988 when the party stopped its financial support of its members and ordered them to seek asylum in other countries, and he went to England. Prior to that, he had had no known academic work nor any publications that would entitle him to the position he is put in, apart from knowing Batatu’s book by heart! He somehow got acquainted with Sami Zubaida (probably through some of the Iraqi communists in London) who helped him secure his place at SOAS (about which I won’t even bother to comment), complete his doctorate, after which the CIA (and some say the Mossad) took him under its wings and gave him the reputation he has. Falih moved from Marxism-Leninism to working for the CIA which is building him a research centre in Beirut as is rumored.

He reminds me very much of my old classmate Kanaan Makiya (another favorite of yours it seems) who wrote two books about Iraq’s political issues even though he had left Iraq in 1967 at the age of 17 (before the Ba’th even came to power) and before that had had no political activities or political interests whatsoever…

Isam al-Khafaji, was also recruited by the CIA and participated in workshops on post-Saddam transitions throughout 2002, worked in the Iraq Reconstruction and Development Council, advised the Bush administration throughout 2002 and much of 2003, then became the director of Iraq Revenue Watch, whose Chairman is George Soros! Does that activity arouse any suspicion?

Needless to say, both Falih and Isam lost their credibility not only when they agreed to be in the service of their country’s invader and implement his policies, but mainly because their analyses proved to be completely faulty. None of the issues they advocated (and advised the US administration on) proved right and they ended up themselves criticizing the administration. Should anyone anymore believe they are capable of giving correct and sensible analyses of Iraqi realities, when their previous ones were faulty?

I have nothing personal against the two gentlemen, but I am stating facts about their history and their affiliations and their analyses.

And since “as historians, we can only use the writings of other historians, newspapers, the archives of governments, courts, etc..”, then what makes your writings or that of any other who copies from other sources ”genuine work” or “indispensable”?

The work of Malik Mufti (Sovereign Creations ...) is the best exposure of the utter nonsense of Ba'thism; the list can go on and on. Please do not insult my intelligence by putting about this childish idea that someone like myself does not respect and make use of the work of Arab scholars. But I would also say that the work of Charles Tripp, Pierre-Jean Luizard, Phebe Marr (just!) and Toby Dodge, all of which is based on primary materials, cannot be ignored simply because the authors are Westerners. This is so elementary that I am amazed I even have to state it.

I have not read Malik Mufti’s book (Sovereign Creations..), but his criticism of Pan-Arabism (which seems to be the common denominator between the colleagues you mentioned and yourself) is his opinion, and his analysis is based on his observations which I do not share. Everything he writes applies in a stronger way to Leftist and Communist movements in the Arab World. Practically the whole Communist Party of Iraq, from the Politbureau down to the lowest cadres has switched from working for the KGB to working for the CIA now…. Why then don’t I see any similar detest for them as you do pan-Arabists?

Your respect to Arab scholars seems to be based on three principles: that they oppose pan-Arabism, that they hate Ba’thism and that they believe unshakably in Batatu! In short, that they agree with you!

Your hate of Ba’thism goes beyond my understanding since you don’t seem to have lived in Iraq, you are not a member of a minority in Iraq or Syria, and you have not experienced it or suffered from it. Basing your opinion of a major political movement in the Arab World on what you read from Mufti, Abdul Jabbar or Khafaji is not a credit to your academic professionalism of which you are proud. You have even criticized Batatu for not being strongly critical of the Ba’th! Is Kurdish nationalism in your opinion also “poisonous nonsense”?

Mufti’s work for the Washington Institute (!) puts him in the same category with Falih and Khafaji; perhaps that is your criteria of what a good scholar is…

Who is copying what from whom, exactly ? Beinin has written pioneering work on Zionism and the Palestinians, and (as a Jew in America) has been standing up courageously to attacks from Zionists all his academic life. He doesn't need or deserve this kind of baseless criticism.

I was referring to Beinin’s refraining to answer, and when he answered it was a single line with several that contain his credentials. We were talking about Iraq and its political and sectarian structure, not about Beinin’s knowledge of Palestine or Zionism. Since Beinin is not an expert on Iraq, the only conclusion is that he has copied his information from somewhere else. Beinin’s reference to Mesopotamia and the reliance on Batatu (again!!) proves this… And you also admit that as historians you “can only use the writings of other historians, newspapers, the archives of governments, courts, etc.” So what do you mean who copies from whom?

Have you read Britain in Iraq 1914-1932? Have you read Marion Farouk-Sluglett and Peter Sluglett, Iraq since 1958: from Revolution to Dictatorship (3rd edition, 2001)? If you have, and have substantive criticism of the points made in them, fine. If not, what's the point of the discussion? I notice you are not making any specific criticisms.

I was not referring to what books you have written, but to the reply that you sent to Wafaa, which contained mistakes and biased opinions that no one should make; especially not one who claims to be an expert on Iraq. Your knowledge of the history of Arabs in Iraq and of Iraq’s ancient history is non-existent, as a simple reading of Hitti’s History of the Arabs will tell you…How can one analyze the present without knowing the past?

Not completely so; see Andreas Birken, Die Provinzen des Osmanischen Reiches (Wiesbaden, 1976). This shows that the names and boundaries of the wilayas changed frequently at different times; thus there was sometimes a province of Shahrizor, etc etc.

That does not change the fact that when the Ottomans came and conquered, the land was called Iraq. In fact Imam Ali Ibn Abi Talib refers to it in his speeches as Iraq, and that was the 7th Century AD! The names and boundaries of the states of the US have changed several times, so does that make the land less of a United States? Does that apply also to Israel who does not even have officially recognized borders?

OK, The ‘Iraq of the medieval Arab geographers (e.g. al-Mas'udi etc) referred to an area extending southwards from al-Haditha on the Euphrates and from Takrit on the Tigris. The area immediately to the north of ‘Iraq, bounded by the Euphrates to the west, the Byzantine empire to the north, the province of Armaniya to the north east, and the provinces of Azarbayjan and al-Jibal to the east, was called al-Jazira. See the maps in The Atlas of Islamic History of the Encyclopedia of Islam, Leiden, Brill, pp. 20-21. Under the Ottomans, there was no single administrative entity called ‘Iraq’ which corresponds to the boundaries of the modern state. (For the evolution of the boundaries of the various Ottoman provinces, see Birken, 1976). Before the First World War and during the Mesopotamia campaign (southern) Iraq was referred to as ‘Turkish Arabia’ in British official correspondence. Please try to understand that I am NOT trying to make a political point, I am just stating the facts as I know them.

Again that does not change the fact that when the Muslims entered Iraq in 623 AD, the land was already called Iraq. The name probably comes from the name (URUK) of the Akkadians, and the habit of ancient Semites was to call the whole land by the name of its major city… Even before the Ottoman time, none of today’s states was recognized as entities that correspond to the boundaries of the modern state. If Iraq was not called Iraq, what was the land called then? Did any of its neighbors call it Mesopotamia?

The border between Iraq and Iran was first established in a general agreement in1639 known as the Treaty of Zohab between Persia and the Ottoman Empire, with further additional treaties where details were clarified. The final treaty, known as the Delimitation Commission Agreement, established Iran's current border in 1914with Iraq and the Ottoman Empire. That should be enough to show that, though the name Iraq perhaps was not mentioned (I am not sure of that either), the entity did exist and its borders recognized.

Actually, this is not so: I attach two articles which show that this is not the case. In simple terms, Kuwait never paid any tax to Constantinople, and while the Shaykhs of Kuwait were given Ottoman titles (qaimaqam) from time to time, this was also true of the Amirs of Najd -- so do we conclude from this that Najd is part of the wilaya of Basra !!??

Whether Najd paid or did not pay any taxes to Constantinople has no bearing on its being part of Iraq, nor does the fact that the Shayks of Kuwait not paying taxes change its history. I am surprised that a scholar whose job is to research and verify facts, bases conclusions on flimsy grounds like this. The history of Iraq DID not start with the Ottomans or the British; it is thousands of years older than the British or the Ottomans, and whether or not this side or that recognized something or not does not change the history of Iraq which predates the existence of the invaders. The as-Sabah family itself was a relatively new comer to the area and the story of how Mubarak came to rule is no secret!

At no time until the beginning of the 20th century had there been a political entity of any form on the western side of the Persian Gulf, between Oman and Basra; not even after the arrival of the Colonialists to the Gulf. As late as 1909, and after the British have established themselves in the Basra Wilayet, the Ottoman state described it thus in its administrative division of Iraq:

The Basrah Wilayet:Located in the south of Iraq, bordered on the north by the Baghdad Wilayet, east by Iran, south by the Gulf and Ihsa’ and west by Shammar mountain and Syria. Area estimated to be 128,800 sq.km. It is subdivided into four counties: Basrah – the capitol of the Wilayet, Muntafig, Najd, and Imarah, consisting of some thirteen cities, thirty-two towns and 315 villages distributed as follows:

County City
Basrah Basrah, Qurnah, Fao, Kuwait

Muntafig Nasiriyah, Suk as-Shiukh, Shatra Muntafig, Hay

Najd Hufuf, Qatif, Qatar, Riyadh

Imarah Imarah, Shatrah Imarah, Jahlah, Majer Kabeer, Ali Gharbi

You will note that as late as 1909, not only Kuwait but also Qatar, Riyadh and Qatif were part of Basrah! But I note that these facts are known to you and included in your article. So what are you contesting?

In 1961, the British Embassy in Lebanon cabled the following message to the Foreign Office:

July 8, 1961
Sir M. Crosthwaite
“Iraqi Prime Minister, Abdel Karim Kassem, has decided to seek the annexation of the former Basra Governorate of Iraq, usually reliable sources said here today. The Basra Governorate, which was under Ottoman rule, includes the Districts of Katif and Ahsa’a, which now form part of Saudi Arabia and are rich in oil fields.” [Emphasis added]

I suggest you read Zaki Saleh’s book (Britain and Iraq/ A study in British Foreign Affairs), where you will find more similar references from British files. For example, on March 21, 1902, the British Foreign Secretary, the Marquess of Lansdowne, summed up British policy towards the Sheikh of Kuwait and other Sheiks in the Gulf in the following Memorandum (part of which you also quote in your article, but I put it here to clarify the point):

"The situation at Koweit is becoming more and more embarrassing, and the time has come for looking it in the face. We have saddled ourselves with an impossible client in the person of the sheikh. He is apparently an untrustworthy savage, no one knows where his possessions begin and end, and our obligations towards him are as ill-defined as the boundaries of his Principality. We have distinctly announced that he does not enjoy British ‘protection’; on the other hand, we once made him a present of 1,000£, and promised him our ‘good offices’, whatever that may mean. When we made this promise we were, I feel no doubt, thinking of Koweit proper, if there is such a thing, and not of Boobyan or other outskirts over which the Sheikh has rights of one sort or another. We have up to the present sheltered ourselves not unsuccessfully, during our discussion with the Turks on the one side and foreign Governments on the other, behind the plausible announcement that we desire to maintain the status quo in regard to Koweit. But I doubt whether any one really knows what the status quo is…”

Does that give the impression that Kuwait was an independent political entity that was not part of the Ottoman Empire, or that the whole of today’s Kuwait is legitimate?

The arguments you have in your article all relate to the 19th and early 20th centuries, as if the history of Kuwait only started with the arrival of the British to the Gulf. How about before that? Do you have any other sources that prove that Kuwait was any sort of entity in that area, say in the 18th or 17th centuries? And if there are no sources, can one safely conclude that it did not exist as an entity?

In any case, it's quite clear, in 1938, 1961, and 1990, no significant number of Kuwaitis wanted to be part of Iraq !

In 1938, King Ghazi of Iraq used the issue of Kuwait as a rallying point for his people, both inside Iraq and Kuwait (then still under British rule), against British domination. He installed a radio station in his palace and played on the nationalist fervor to call for the return of Kuwait. The Consultative Council on Kuwait, appointed by the Sheikh, voted twice against the British will, to unite with Iraq and called on King Ghazi to take over their land. The British reply was swift: the council was dismissed some of its members were imprisoned and others deported! King Ghazi died in a mysterious car accident. His companions in the car disappeared and his corpse was kept by Dr. Henderson, the British appointed monarch’s physician, between the accident and the burial. A central demand of the Hashemite Union of 1957 was the return of Kuwait, as did Qassim in 1961 and Saddam in 1990. It is not clear at all that a significant number of Kuwaitis did not want to be part of Iraq, as you stated. The policy of intimidation, imprisonment and deportation was repeated against any dissent, and after the end of the Iraqi invasion in 1991, people were sentenced to death simply for writing articles in support of uniting with Iraq. We have no statistics or any independent opinion polls that support your claim.

I was surprised to hear Naseem Rejwan stating that Sunni Arabs continued to be masters and landlords for quite a few centuries. What is surprising about that ?

My surprise was because Jews were also landlords which Naseem left out… Actually Naseem has replied, stating that: “exact or even approximate figures on this subject [Shi’i and Sunni] are nowhere to be found; nor do such statistics exist for the matter of that (and this, incidentally, proves part of your, and Wafaa's argument that the whole subject of who was a Sunni and who a Shi'i was not a central preoccupation, at least during the 1920's through the 1950's.”

As almost all Iraqi Jews (except the wealthiest) had been effectively expelled to Israel in 1950-51, it is not surprising that you didn't meet any poor ones. I suggest you read Abbas Shiblak, Iraqi Jews: a History of Mass Exodus (2005), to which I have written the preface (and I attach it).

No Jews were expelled from Iraq and the use of the word “effectively” does not change the matter. I suggest you try to find an English copy of the Law which gave the Jews of Iraq the right to leave in return for giving up their citizenship. As you point out in your introduction to Shiblak’s book, the British were certainly behind the law. Very few Jews left, until the Zionists started a terror campaign against Jewish Synagogues and businesses. That is well explained by Naem Giladi, himself an Iraqi Jew in his book and on the internet. Why is the forceful expulsion of the Palestinians compared with the departure of the Jews from Iraq?

Let us not forget the support of the Iraqi Communist Party to the establishment of Israel which the Government of Baghdad skillfully used against communists.

We all know that as well; you are not paying attention to what JB is saying. Yes, the first secessionist authors were Christian, but in Iraq in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s, this idea was largely carried by Sunnis like Sati' al-Husri. The Christians you mention were not Iraqis. Writing on Arab nationalism IN IRAQ is largely by Sunnis. Apart from Fadhil Jamali, I can't think of many Iraqi Shi'i writers on Arab nationalism.

JB wrote “"Moreover, in Iraq pan-Arabism was associated with the continuing dominance of the Sunni Arab minority…" . People like Sati’ al-Husri were theorists not imposers of any ideologies. Besides,is as you stated the Sunnis were the major part of the Ottoman ruling class, why would Sunnis revolt against the Ottomans whose favors they enjoyed?

How about the 1920 revolt led by Sheikh Mahdi al-Khalisi and other Arab Shi’i leaders? The gist of the matter is that sectarianism was of no essence, as the 1920 revolt proved when Shi’is and Sunnis came together against the invader. I explained the refusal of Shi’is (under a religious fatwa) to get involved in state affairs and this effected even their involvement in politics. However, I am sure you know that the earlier cells of the Ba’th Party in Iraq in the late 1940s contained active Shi’is with people like Fouad ar-Rikabi and Sa’doun Hammadi in the front.

OK, so what's your counter-evidence ?

I refer to the reply of Naseem, and to the fact that all figures given are estimates based on beliefs relating to this area or that. No statistics exist and thus no one can say for certain which is larger. What you present is not evidence for me to present counter-evidence.

That is not true which part is not true? and in fact the British allied themselves with both Shi'i and Sunni tribal heads yes, ok, but the Shii tribal leaders were never part of the Ottoman ruling class.
I find it interesting when you cut a sentence I have written in half and comment on the first half as if it does not connect to the one after it. It is not true that the British allied themselves with the Sunni elements, and you should also know that the Shi’is accepted Faisal as King because he was a Hashemite and a descendant of the Prophet, while the Sunnis had their own candidate (Talib an-Naqib) whom Britain rejected, imprisoned and exiled.

Of course some Shii tribal leaders were also coopted by the British, but the fact is that very few Shiis held positions in government (until Salih Jabr and Jamali). You have to look at what I'm actually saying, not at what you think I'm saying

I explained why the Shi’is refused to take positions in government. Taking positions is not, to my understanding, allying with the British. The fact that the Shi’is accepted Faisal and the Sunnis rejected him should serve to show that the Shi’is DID ally with the British, if things were as black and white as you would like to present them.

At last something I can agree with in part, although I think 80 years is a bit long -- the spread of education and the gradual economic development of Iraq meant that there were increasing numbers of Shiis in senior positions in the bureaucracy (though never in the military) by, say, the late 1950s. And this was because of growing secularization, i.e. that people began to find these sectarian distinctions less important (maku farq bayna ...) although that would come back later on.

I am glad you agree on that….

Saddam Hussein was not sectarian and in fact very secular. Did I say he was sectarian? I am sure he was an atheist !!

So what did you mean by saying “Saddam Husayn made sectarian affilation into an issue by expelling Shiis on the grounds that they were 'really' Iranian..”? Was that not implying that he was sectarian?

What does that matter? Everyone had to join the party !! How many Shiis were there in the RCC after 1979 ?

No, not everyone had to join the party. I did not, yet still held a good position in the University of Technology from 1974-1977and was further appointed rapporteur of the Higher Committee of the University of Technology, but I refused, resigned and left Iraq to pursue my higher education. Nothing happened to me and no one threatened me or forced me. Of course members of the Party had more privileges, but that happens anywhere where there is a single-party system. Those who joined the Ba’th party wanted to benefit and reach higher, something I consider hypocritical. Some of those in the current government did that too…

In a tribal community like Iraq, when people group together to form political movements, they try to find relatives and close friends, and people from the same tribe, to join in their effort. I don’t believe the formation of the RCC after 1979 had anything to do with sectarianism, and there were Shi’is and Sunnis in it, if that is what you meant. Those executed or imprisoned in the 1979 purge of the party were both Shi’is and Sunnis. So what is your point?

But 40,000 Fa'ili Kurds were expelled in the autumn of 1971 (see Charles Tripp, A History of Iraq, p. 211). But these Shiis were considered Persian, weren't they? He told Iraqis that those expelled were Persians, didn't he?

I think that to say “these Shiis were considered Persian” is a sentence that contains a malicious insinuation and intends to distort things. Why the emphasis on the sectarian affiliation of the Faylis and not their ethnic background? It seems what you want to say is that the people were deported because they were Shi’is and their Persian background was used as an excuse. I don’t see on what you base that, apart from your bias against the Ba’th which seems to cloud your vision and make you jump into conclusions that fit your preconceptions.

The Faylis were deported (another deplorable decision) because they were considered Iranians not Iraqis and there is no proof that the deportation was because they were Shi’is. I don’t care what Tripp writes. The historian who states that Britain had “no intention of occupying Iraq in 1914” looses his credibility completely to me and is not worthy of the title historian. A historian’s duty is to facts not to political needs of that party or this. He can make whatever remarks he wants, but to me his remarks are worthless.

The Kurds themselves consider Faylis Persians and I would not be surprised if some of their leaders (Talabani?) had a hand in their expulsion. And if Iraqis were told that these Faylis were Persian, does that confirm your claim that the deportation was because of their sect?

Weren't men encouraged to divorce their Shii wives ?

When was that and do you have any evidence to corroborate that? I would like to see this, as I know many, many Shi’i and Sunni married to each other and I have NEVER heard of such a claim..

You must be confusing me with Bernard Lewis, whom I detest !!

BL is considered "the most influential postwar historian of Islam and the Middle East" who is also a product of SOAS! I too detest him, but he is still considered an authority, like you consider Tripp, Falih Abdul Jabbar and Isam al-Khafaji.

Beauty, as we are told, is in the eye of the beholder…. Nothing is absolute and all is relative, depending on how you see it and where from you look at it. Mine is of the insider who looked from inside and now from the outside. Yours is the outsider who looks only from the outside. There is a difference between our viewpoints because of that.

Tarik Al-Ani
Architect / Researcher

January 30, 07

The 1950 Law for Renouncing Iraqi Jewish Citizenship

2006-12-18T11:52:00.000-08:00

We failed to find any mention in any English source about the content of the 1950 law, which was passed by the Iraqi government in reference to Iraqi Jewish citizenship after the establishment of the State of Israel (1948). Most sources indicate that Iraqi Jews were persecuted and forced to migrate out of Iraq. Not only this is not true, the content of the 1950 law below proves it entirely WRONG.

The 1950 law's content has been published in various Arabic sources including (but not limited to) the Taareekh al-Wizaaraat al-Iraqiyya by Abdur-Razzaq al-Hasany and Safahaat min Taareekhil Iraqil Hadeeth by Hamid al-Hamdany. The 1950 law appears in its entirety in both of the above mentioned sources. In Hamid al-Hamdany's book, the articles of this law are enlisted in chapter 13 and can be accessed at

http://www.hamid-alhamdany.com/side/al_kotob/tarikh_01/Chapter13.htm

The 1950 law for Renouncing Iraqi Jewish Citizenship:

In Arabic

قانون إسقاط الجنسية عن اليهود العراقيين:ا

المادة الأولى : لمجلس الوزراء أن يقرر إسقاط الجنسية العراقية عن اليهودي العراقي الذي يرغب باختيار منه ترك

العراق نهائياً، بعد توقيعه على استمارة خاصة، أمام الموظف الذي يعينه وزير الداخلية

المادة الثانية : اليهودي العراقي الذي يغادر العراق، أو يحاول مغادرته بصورة غير شرعية تسقط عنه الجنسية العراقية

بقرار من مجلس الوزراء

المادة الثالثة : اليهودي العراقي الذي سبق له أن غادر العراق بصورة غير شرعية يعتبر كأنه ترك العراق بصورة نهائية إذا لم يعد إليه خلال مهلة شهرين من نفاذ هذا القانون، وتسقط عنه الجنسية من تاريخ انتهاء هذه المهلة

المادة الرابعة : على وزير الداخلية أن يأمر بإبعاد كل من أسقطت عنه الجنسية العراقية بموجب المادتين الأولى والثانية، ما لم يقتنع بناء على أسباب كافية بأن بقاءه في العراق مؤقتاً أمر تستدعيه ضرورة قضائية، أو قانونية، أو حفظ حقوق الغير الموثقة رسمياً

المادة الخامسة : يبقى هذا القانون نافذاً لمدة سنة من تاريخ نفاذه، ويجوز إنهاء حكمه في أي وقت خلال هذه المدة بإرادة ملكية تنشر في الجريدة الرسمية

المادة السادسة : ينفذ هذا القانون من تاريخ نشره في الجريدة الرسمية

المادة السابعة : على وزير الداخلية تنفيذ هذا القانون

كتب في بغداد في الثاني من شهر آذار سنة ألف وتسعمائة وخمسون ميلادية

ولم يكد يصدر هذا القانون حتى بادرت الطائرات الأمريكية بنقل اليهود المسقطة عنهم الجنسية إلى قبرص، ومنها إلى إسرائيل في بداية الأمر، ثم قامت برحلات مباشرة إلى إسرائيل فيما بعد، حيث تم نقل 130 ألف يهودي، تعزيزاً للدولة العبرية ورفدها بالطاقة البشرية) . ا

In English

The Law for Renouncing Iraqi Jewish Citizenship:

Submitted to the Iraqi Parliament on 2 March 1950

Article 1: The Council of Ministers decides to revoke the Iraqi citizenship of the Iraqi Jew who voluntarily chooses to leave Iraq conclusively, after signing a special form before the official appointed by the Interior Minister.

Article 2: The Iraqi Jew who leaves Iraq or tries to leave it illegally will have his citizenship revoked by decree from the Council of Ministers.

Article 3: The Iraqi Jew who previously and illegally left Iraq is considered as having left Iraq conclusively unless he returns to it within two months from the effective date of this law. His citizenship will be revoked after this period’s expiration date.

Article 4: The Interior Minister will order the deportation of everyone whose citizenship was canceled according to articles 1 & 2 of this law, if the Minister is not convinced, based on sufficient reasons, that [the person’s] stay in Iraq is temporarily required by a judicial or legal necessity or the protection of the officially documented rights of others.

Article 5: This law remains valid for a period of one year from its effective date. The law can be terminated at any time by a Royal Decree published in the Official Gazette.

Article 6: This law shall be implemented from the date of its publication in the Official Gazette.

Article 7: The Interior Minister shall implement this law.

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If you know of a non-Arabic source (in any language) that enlists the articles of the 1950 law above, kindly email it to historyofiraq@gmail.com